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Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2012 with funding from 

Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum Library and Archives 



This exhibition is supported by Philip Morris Incorporated 
and the National Endowment for the Humanities, a Federal Agency 

The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York 

Published by 

The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, New York, 1981 

ISBN: 0-89207-030-- 

Library of Congress Card Catalog Number: 81-83561 

c The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, New York, 1982. 

Cover: Kandinsky, Improvisation VI (African). 191 1 (cat. no. z6i) 


president Peter O. Lawson-Johnston 

vice-president The Right Honorable Earl Castle Stewart 

trustees Anne L. Armstrong, Michel David-Weill, Joseph W. Donner, Robin Chandler Duke, John 
Hilson, Harold W. McGraw, Jr., Wendy L.-J. McNeil, Thomas M. Messer, Frank R. 
Milliken, A. Chauncey Newlin, Lewis T. Preston, Seymour Slive, Albert E. Thiele, Michael 
F. Wettach, William T. Ylvisaker 

honorary trustees Solomon R. Guggenheim, Justin K. Thannhauser, Peggy Guggenheim 
in perpetuity 
advisory board Elaine Dannheisser, Susan Morse Hilles, Morton L. Janklow, Barbara Jonas, Bonnie Ward 
Simon, Stephen C. Swid 

staff Henry Berg, Counsel 

Theodore G. Dunker, Secretary-Treasurer; Aili Pontynen, Assistant Treasurer; Barry Bragg, 
Assistant to the Treasurer; Margaret P. Cauchois, Assistant; Veronica M. O'Connell 

director Thomas M. Messer 
Diane Waldman, Director of Exhibitions 
Catherine Grimshaw, Secretary to the Director 
Cynthia M. Kessel, Administrative Assistant 

STAFF Louise Averill Svendsen, Senior Curator; Vivian Endicott Barnett, Research Curator; 
Lisa Dennison Tabak, Assistant Curator; Carol Fuerstein, Editor; Sonja Bay, Associate 
Librarian; Ward Jackson, Archivist; Philip Verre, Collections Coordinator; Susan B. 
Hirschfeld, Exhibitions Coordinator; Lucy Flint, Curatorial Coordinator; Cynthia Clark, 
Editorial Assistant 

Margit Rowell, Curator of Special Exhibitions 

Orrin H. Riley, Conservator; Elizabeth Estabrook, Conservation Assistant; Harold B. 
Nelson, Registrar; Jane Rubin, William J. Alonso, Assistant Registrars; Marion Kahan, 
Registrar's Coordinator; Saul Fuerstein, Preparator; William Smith, Preparation Assistant; 
Scott A. Wixon, Operations Manager; Tony Moore, Assistant Operations Manager; 
Takayuki Amano, Head Carpenter; Carmelo Guadagno, Photographer; David M. Heald, 
Associate Photographer; Holly Fullam, Photography Coordinator 

Mimi Poser, Officer for Development and Public Affairs; Carolyn Porcelli, Ann Kraft, 
Development Associates; Susan L. Halper, Membership Associate; Jessica Schwartz, Public 
Affairs Associate; Cynthia Wootton, Development Coordinator; Michele Rowe-Shields, 
Public Affairs Coordinator; Linda Gering, Public Affairs Assistant; Susan Berger- Jones, 
Membership Assistant 

Agnes R. Connolly, Auditor; James O'Shea, Sales Coordinatot ; Robert Turner, Restaurant 
Manager; Rosemary Faella, Assistant Restaurant Manager; Darrie Hammer, Katherine 
W. Briggs, Information 

David A. Sutter, Building Superintendent; Charles Gazzola, Assistant Building Superintend- 
ent; Charles F. Banach, Head Guard; Elbio Almiron, Marie Bradley, Assistant Head Guards 

life members Eleanor, Countess Castle Stewart, Mr. and Mrs. Werner Dannheisser, William C. Edwards, 
Jr., Mr. and Mrs. Andrew P. Fuller, Mrs. Bernard F. Gimbel, Mr. and Mrs. Peter O. 
Lawson-Johnston, Mrs. Samuel I. Rosenman, Mrs. S. H. Scheuer, Mrs. Hilde Thannhauser 

corporate patrons Alcoa Foundation, Atlantic Richfield Foundation, Exxon Corporation, Mobil Corporation, 
Philip Morris Incorporated 

government patrons National Endowment for the Arts, National Endowment for the Humanities, New York State 
Council on the Arts 


Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin J. Fortson, Fort 

Felix Klee, Bern 

Kenneth C. Lindsay, Binghamton, New York 

Heirs of Dr. \V. Macke, Bonn 

Professor J. A. Schmoll-Eisenwerth, Munich 

Lawrence Schoenherg, Los Angeles 

Thomas P. Whitney 

Siegfried Wichmann 

Architektursammlung der Technischen 
Universitat, Munich 

The Art Museum of the Ateneum, Helsinki 

The Art Reference Library, The Brooklyn 
Museum, New York 

Badisches Landesmuseum Karlsruhe 

Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich 

Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, 


Deutsches Theatermuseum, Munich 

Gallen-Kallela Museum, Espoo, Finland 

The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, 
New York 

Hessischses Landesmuseum Darmstadt 

Kunsthalle Bremen 

Kunstmuseum Bern 

Kimstmuseum Hannover mit Sammlung 

Graphische Sammlung, Kunstmuseum St. 

Kupferstichkabinett, Kunstmuseum Basel 

Special Collections, Library of Congress, 
Washington, D.C. 

Mittelrhcinischcs Landesmuseum, Mainz 

Miinchner Stadtmuseum, Munich 

Gabriele Miinter- und Johannes Eichner- 
Stiftung, Munich 

Musee National d'Art Moderne, Paris 

Museum of Applied Arts, Helsinki 

Museum Bellerive, Zurich 

Museum Boymans-van Beuningen, 

Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe, Hamburg 

The Museum of Modern Art, New York 

Museum Villa Stuck, Munich 

Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana 

The New York State Library, The Univer- 
sity of the State of New York, Cultural Edu- 
cation Center, Albany 

Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Price-Gilbert Library, Georgia Institute of 
Technology, Atlanta 

Princeton University Libraries, Princeton, 
New Jersey 

Schiller-Nationalmuseum/ Deutsches 
Literarturarchiv, Marbach 

Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 
Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

Staatliches Museum fiir Volkerkunde, 

Graphische Sammlung, Staatsgalerie Stuttgart 

Stadtbibliothek mit Handschriftensammlung, 

Stadtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich 

Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 

Special Collections, LIniversity Library, State 
University of New York at Binghamton 

Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Staatliche 
Museen, Kunstbibliothek Berlin 

Stiftung Saarlandischer Kulturbesitz, 

Wachtersbacher Keramik, Brachttal, 

Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, 

Wiirttembergisches Landesmuseum Stuttgart 

Music Library, Yale LIniversity, New Haven 

Davlyn Gallery, New York 
Galerie Gunzenhauser, Munich 


8 Sponsor's Statement 

9 Preface and Acknowledgements Thomas M. Messer 
13 Foreword Carl E. Scborske 

17 Munich as Cultural Center: Politics and the Arts Peter Jelavicb 

28 Kandinsky in Munich: Encounters and Transformations PegWeiss 

83 Catalogue 

303 Chronology Peg Weiss 

307 Selected Bibliography PegWeiss 

310 Index of Artists in the Catalogue 

311 Photographic Credits 


Philip Morris was introduced to the work of Vasily Kandinsky at the Guggenheim 
Museum a little more than a year ago when we sponsored the exhibition Expres- 
sionism—a German Intuition 1905-1920. We return now to become better 
acquainted with this artist who was one of the originators of abstract art in the 
early years of our century. 

One of a striking series of exhibitions undertaken by the Guggenheim, Kandinsky 
in Munich reflects the audaciousness of this adventurer who searched tirelessly for 
a new way to express the enduring human spirit in a world fraught with turbulence 
and change. Philip Morris is proud to be associated with the Museum's sweeping 
presentation of the art of Kandinsky and bis contemporaries in Munich, which offers 
insight into the environment and times of this courageous innovator who, with his 
personal vision for compass, discovered a new world. What seems most instructive 
to us is not so much that Kandinsky found this new world, which he populated with 
original and challenging imagery, but that he dared to think such a world must 
exist and resolutely set out to render it visible. 

And he knew the way. In the course of evolving his first total abstraction, perhaps 
the first pure abstraction ever painted, Kandinsky told his eager colleagues, "there 
is one [answer] ivhich art can always employ to any question beginning with 'must': 
there is no 'must' in art, because art is free." In Kandinsky' s studio, said jean Arp, 
"speech and form and color fused and were transmuted into fabulous, extraordinary 
worlds." He led them to a place where no one had been before, and pioneered in 
shaping the landscape of our new cultural, social and psychological environment. 
Our institutions— industry significant among them— have made their most radical 
advances since Kandinsky set foot on the new shore. I am not suggesting that par- 
allels may easily be drawn among artistic, social and technological developments, 
but perhaps a strong kinship wrought by change prevails. 

Because he pressed toward a new realm, Kandinsky continues to inspire us today. 
Philip Morris, I hope, will never cease to pay homage to those who dare to move 
beyond their environment and time. By their creative example, they beckon us for- 
ward. Human enterprise advances best when it is least encumbered and most in- 
spired. This they knew in every age of history, those explorers of the future. In their 
vanguard is Kandinsky . 

george weissman, Chairman of the Board 
Philip Morris Incorporated 


Vasily Kandinsky, it may be stated fairly, lived at least three lives in one. In 
the course of his seventy-eight years, despite an exceptionally late start as an 
artist, his work encompassed three stylistic phases which, though ultimately 
comprehensible as a unity, nevertheless are more than ordinarily separable 
from one another. Each of these— in Munich before World War I; at the Bau- 
haus during the postwar years; and in Paris from the rise of Nazism through 
World War II— represented a major episode which was more or less self- 
contained. In each Kandinsky developed a style that corresponded to a par- 
ticular insight, and each reflected an advanced, visionary sensibility. 

Various retrospectives at the Guggenheim and at many other museums 
around the world have rendered visible, through chronological presentation 
of his work, the stages of Kandinsky's stylistic development, thereby provid- 
ing the necessary background which is a precondition for a more detailed, 
analytical investigation of his oeuvre. This probing and extensive investiga- 
tion is now being attempted in a sequence of three exhibitions beginning with 
Kandinsky in Munich and projected to take place over a period to last beyond 
the first half of this decade. 

It is of course not by happenstance that so ambitious and demanding an 
undertaking concerning Kandinsky's art should have taken shape at the 
Guggenheim Museum; for if institutions may lay claim to patron saints and 
may be said to issue from and be propelled by single identifiable impulses, 
mitigating influence of stylistic crosscurrents notwithstanding, Kandinsky 
and the Guggenheim exemplify such an interrelationship. In this context it is 
sufficient to recall that the Guggenheim Museum's original name, which it 
bore from its creation in 1937 until 1952, was the Museum of Non-Objective 
Painting and that among the artists who provided the basis for a designation 
derived from this stylistic attribute, Kandinsky was preeminent. Throughout 
the decades succeeding its initial phase, the Museum's focus upon Kandinsky 
has continued, so that the concentration of his works in the collection and 
the frequency of their exhibition surpasses that of all other artists. 

But it is obviously not merely because of the large quantity of Kan- 
dinsky's works in our holdings that such an emphasis could have been estab- 
lished and sustained; rather it is Kandinsky's enduring relevance to thought 
and art in our era that has justified the frequent and prominent exposure of 
his oeuvre and has invited constant reevaluation of its meaning. It is, in fact, 
at a moment when the connotations of "abstraction" are changing quite 
radically that we have approached Dr. Peg Weiss, Adjunct Professor at Syra- 

cuse University, New York, and author of the recent volume Kandinsky in 
Munich: The Formative Jugendstil Years, to act as guest curator and make 
the selection for an exhibition similar in title and concept to that of her book. 
At the same time we have asked Ian Strasfogel, former Director of the Wash- 
ington Opera at Kennedy Center, Washington, D.C., to produce Kandinsky's 
opera The Yellow Sound (Der gelbe Klang). 

The two related, simultaneously scheduled enterprises demarcate the 
sizeable scope of our Kandinsky projects, particularly in the context of the 
future exhibitions in the series. Both call for capabilities beyond those nor- 
mally at our disposal— the exhibition, because its documentary emphasis 
requires the installation of a great many heterogeneous objects; Der gelbe 
Klang, because of the problems inherent in the production of an unfinished 
musical score, as well as the many circumstances, unfamiliar to us, associated 
with theatrical presentations in general. Dr. Weiss and Mr. Strasfogel, there- 
fore, depended upon expert help on many levels. Thus Gunther Schuller un- 
dertook to arrange Thomas de Hartmann's incomplete score and Hellmut 
Fricke-Gottschild assumed responsibility for the choreography of the opera. 
Two teams of designers, Robert Israel and Richard Riddell for Der gelbe 
Klang and Charles B. Froom and Richard Franklin for Kandinsky in Munich, 
fulfilled creative roles in the area of stage design and exhibition installation 

The demands of the project throughout its conception, selection, docu- 
mentation and staging involved many individuals in addition to the princi- 
pals, and, therefore, much credit is due to virtually the entire Museum staff 
—members of its curatorial, technical and public affairs divisions who assured 
the punctual presentation of exhibition and publication. The Museum's Re- 
search Curator Vivian Barnett coordinated all aspects of the undertaking; 
she is the primary link between the current Munich-centered phase of our 
sequence and the two subsequent installments in preparation. Susan Hirsch- 
feld, Exhibitions Coordinator, conscientiously served as the Guggenheim's 
liaison with authors and Guest Curator, while Carol Fuerstein edited the 
catalogue with her usual precision. 

The publication as a whole and its principal essay in particular benefit- 
ted from Dr. Weiss's extensive research and the catalogue is further enriched 
by two essays written for the occasion by Dr. Carl E. Schorske and Peter 
Jelavich. We are most grateful to these authors for providing conceptual 
clarifications and for establishing a historical context for the Kandinsky in 
Munich exhibition. 

Neither the scholarship brought to bear upon Kandinsky's art nor the 
expertise of the technicians charged with the staging of the exhibition would 
have fully accomplished their objectives had we not also profitted from the 
extraordinary generosity of the lenders who are listed in a separate section 
of this catalogue. The need to secure particular works of art in order to make 
specific stylistic and historical points allowed us to make very few substitu- 
tions for our original choices. Our persistence as borrowers increased, there- 
fore, as options for replacements diminished and deeply felt gratitude is due 
to the many generous owners who responded to our entreaties and allowed 

us to incorporate their precious objects in the present exhibition. Among the 
lenders we are indebted to numerous public and private collections in Mu- 
nich for making many crucial works available to us. Special mention and 
thanks are extended to the Stadtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich, for 
the loan of over one hundred works; in particular, we would like to thank 
Dr. Armin Zweite, Director, and Dr. Rosel Gollek, Curator, for their efforts 
on our behalf. We would also like to single out the Miinchner Stadtmuseum 
and Prof. Dr. Siegfried Wichmann for their numerous and invaluable loans. 
The exhibition has benefitted from important works borrowed from the 
Gabriele Munter-Johannes Eichner Stiftung, Munich. We are grateful to Jean- 
Claude Groshens, President of Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, and Christian 
Derouet of the Musee National d'Art Moderne, Paris, for their assistance re- 
garding works from the Estate of Nina Kandinsky, the artist's widow. 

The demanding nature of this endeavor was, of course, felt in the area of 
finances. Fortunately, the National Endowment for the Humanities displayed 
an enlightened interest in the exhibition at an early moment and provided 
initial funding, enabling us to secure the essential additional resources. Philip 
Morris Incorporated first matched the initial grant of the National Endow- 
ment for the Humanities and subsequently donated the necessary funds for 
the production of Der gelbe Klang. By so generously affirming their confi- 
dence in the Guggenheim's project, Philip Morris Incorporated and its Chair- 
man George Weissman have once again demonstrated their leading position 
among the country's corporate supporters of cultural events. The far-reach- 
ing assistance received from the complementary sources of government 
agency and corporate sector has exemplary value, of course, as well as tan- 
gible worth in the present circumstances. 

In closing, I should like to thank my colleagues Henry T. Hopkins, 
Director of the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art, and Dr. Armin 
Zweite, Director of the Stadtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich; much 
to the benefit of the exhibition, they have participated in the lengthy prep- 
arations for the presentation of Kandinsky in Munich: 1896-1914 at the 
Guggenheim and their own museums. 

thomas m. messer, Director 

The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation 

Munich was radiant. Over the festive plazas and white columned temples, 
the neodassic monuments and Baroque churches, the springing fountains, 
palaces and public parks of the Resident, spanned a heaven shimmering as 
blue silk, and the broad and light, green-surrounded and ivell-proportioned 
perspectives lay in the sunshine of a first beautiful June day. 

Birdsoug and secret joy in every little street . . . and on plazas and walks 
the unhurried and amusing business of the lovely and comfortable city rolls, 
strolls and churns. Tourists from all nations drive about in the little slow 
droshkies. . . . and climb the wide steps of the museums. . . . Many windows 
stand open, and from many, the sounds of music reach the streets, exercises 
on the piano, the violin or the cello, sincere, well-intentioned dilettantish 
efforts. At the Odeon, however, one notices there is much serious study going 
on at the grand pianos. .../;/ front of the academy of art, which stretches its 
white arms between the Tiirkeustrasse and the Siegestor, halts a court car- 
riage. And at the top of the balustrade, the models stand, sit and lounge in 
colorful groups, picturesque old men, children, arid women in the costume 
of the Albanian mountains. . . . Young artists with round caps on the backs 
of their heads, neckties loosened, without walking sticks, careless fellows, 
who pay their rent with color sketches, stroll around, allowing this pale blue 
morning to work upon their mood, and watching the young ladies. . . . Every 
fifth house with its atelier windows blinking in the sun. Occasionally an 
aesthetic facade breaks the row of middle-class houses, the work of an imag- 
inative young architect, wide and flat-arched, decorated with a bizarre orna- 
ment, full of wit and style. . . . 

It is always a new pleasure to linger before the windows of the cabinet- 
makers and the shops for modern luxury items. What fantastic comfort, what 
linear humor in the forms of all these things! . . . Look around you, see the 
windows of the bookshops! Your eyes meet titles like The Art of Interior 
Design Since the Renaissance, The Education of the Color Sense, The Renais- 
sance in Modern Arts and Crafts, The Book as Work of Art, The Decorative 
Arts, The Hunger for Art; and you must realize that these provocative pam- 
phlets are sold and read by the thousands, and that evenings these very sub- 
jects are the focus of many a lecture to packed halls. . . . Art blossoms, art 
reigns, art stretches her rose-wound scepter over the city and smiles. . . . a 
guileless cult of line, of decoration, of form, of sensuousness, of beauty reigns 
—Munich was radiant. 

Thomas Mann 

"Gladius Dei," 1901 


Carl E. Schorske 

Kandinsky in Munich: the very title of this exhibition suggests a convergence 
of a person and a place, an artist and a city. It is a convergence too of two 
kinds of art exhibit usually held apart. One of these has become almost a 
dominant form of exhibition in our century: the one-man retrospective, such 
as the great Picasso show of 1980. This form arose as handmaiden to an im- 
portant mode of intellectual understanding of art in modern times. Under it, 
art is viewed as the creation of single developing minds, the achievement of 
which can best be grasped in the temporal sequence of its products. In the 
1970s, however, another form of exhibition kindled the public imagination, 
one that focuses on the collective artistic production of a single time and 
place. The Philadelphia Museum's Art of the Second Empire was one variant 
of this refreshed historical approach to visual culture. It compelled the viewer 
to place his present-day conceptions of artistically valid mid-nineteenth cen- 
tury French art (i.e., an aesthetic derived from the Impressionists and Post- 
Impressionists) into the historical context of the culture that produced it, a 
culture with quite different canons of critical judgment, wider stylistic con- 
tent and long-forgotten modes of displaying— and therefore seeing— works of 
art. Another variant of this new historical approach to art explores and ex- 
ploits the city as a cultural unit. The Centre Pompidou has developed the 
city exhibition to new heights, placing the visual arts of Paris in an interna- 
tional perspective by comparison with other urban cultures: Paris-Netv York, 
Paris-Berlin, Paris-Moscoiv. Not only are the plastic arts of France clarified 
in these exhibitions, but they are illuminated in a context of artistic and in- 
tellectual expression in other media, especially literature. 

Even as they demonstrate the power of their contrasting perspectives, 
these two types of exhibition— the individual-textual retrospective and the 
cultural-contextual or city exhibition— have dwelt far apart and ignored each 
other's virtues. The concentration on the single painter's oeuvre has tended 
to detach it from its social and cultural environment. The concentration on 
a cultural context, on the other hand, has tended to blur the vision of the 
special, often isolated values of the individual artist's product. Thus we con- 
front, on the one side, text without context; on the other, context without 

Behind this polarization in exhibiting practice lies a division of view that 
developed over the last century concerning the nature and function of art 
and its place in society. As painting ceased to be produced primarily on com- 
mission to embellish a church, a public building or a residence, the artist won 
independence from traditional value systems. It was an ambiguous freedom, 


combining imaginative opportunity with cultural rootlessness. On the one 
hand, the artist became free to devise his own code of meanings, to project 
his individual vision onto his canvas, independent of any ultimate social use 
or destination. On the other hand, he became dependent on a public art 
market to find an anonymous patron who might share his personal vision. 
France set the tone for nineteenth-century Europe in organizing the art mar- 
ket in the form of the "salon," where the artists adjudged qualified might 
display their wares collectively for the perusal of potential buyers. The salon 
was a form of exhibition appropriate to the era of democracy and economic 
laissez-faire, where the individualistic artist-producer and the connoisseur- 
consumer could find each other as seller and buyer. Although traditional cri- 
teria of judgment of aesthetic worth still exercised a restraining influence on 
what works the salon accepted for display, two important new principles of 
modern culture surfaced in the salon in uneasy interaction: "art for art's 
sake" and "business is business." 

It was only logical that the artist who produced no longer on commis- 
sion but out of his own powers should separate himself from the values, both 
in subject matter and in form, traditionally assigned to painting by society. 
But he could do this in two different ways, one individual, the other, social. 
The "modern" artist who followed the more individual course formulated 
new and highly personal pictures of the world, devising his own visual lan- 
guage for the purpose. To the degree that his sense of individuation estranged 
him from society, his art became less concerned with representation of the 
world of nature and inherited culture than with the presentation of a per- 
sonal vision, sometimes of his own feeling, sometimes of the shaping or ab- 
stracting powers of art itself. 

The retrospective exhibition of a single artist arose as a logical reflection 
in display practice of this process of artistic individuation, the process by 
which the very life of art became the expression of a personal vision rather 
than a shared cultural one. For such an artist as Vasily Kandinsky, who em- 
bodied in his own development the passage from "representation" to "pres- 
entation," from realism to abstraction, the temporal array of his oeuvre 
seems a particularly suitable form of exhibition. 

But is it enough? To answer the question, one must turn to the other 
strand of artistic thought and practice that arose in response to the emergence 
of the autonomy of art in the nineteenth-century world of commerce: the 
social strand. In Europe's intellectual community there were those who could 
not accept the separation of the artist from the moral and social functions 
that by tradition had been his. They criticized the artist from a social point 
of view while they castigated the society from an aesthetic point of view. 
Above all, they sought to engage the artist in the task of regenerating society 
and, in the process, of closing the gap that had opened between culture and 
society, between art and public life. 

Where France led the way in the development of a pluralized and indi- 
viduated modern art, England and Germany pioneered in the creation of an 
art endowed with redemptive social functions. In England, under the inspi- 
ration of John Ruskin and the leadership of William Morris, the Arts and 


Crafts Movement mobilized the arts to restore beauty to the daily life of an 
England made ugly by industrialism and socially irresponsible by capitalism. 
The movement aimed to reunite the imagination of the artist with the skill of 
the artisan, thus to reinvest the use-objects of the common life— from houses 
and furniture to printed books and pots and pans— with the simplicity and 
elegance of medieval design. The painter became a decorator of surfaces— 
of walls or three-dimensional use-objects— with a resulting tendency to re- 
place three-dimensional perspective with flat, two-dimensional forms and 
unnuanced color juxtapositions. Both in style and in idea, art was trans- 
formed by its purposive application to the world of utility to redeem it with 

While the English medievalizing avant-garde moved toward transform- 
ing the outer environment through the applied arts, the Germans, under the 
vigorous leadership of Richard Wagner, sought to fight the materialism of 
the age through a different medium: the theater. Exalting in classic German 
fashion the example of ancient Greece, Wagner sought to create a theater 
which would perform for his age two functions at once: to restore the broken 
unity of the arts by bringing all the arts together in music drama; and to pro- 
vide hyper-individuated and divided modern society with a model of com- 
munity. "Art for art's sake" and "business is business" would both be over- 
come by means of a theater critical of the anomic present and formative of a 
communitarian future. 

Morris and Wagner, both anti-capitalist, both extolling medieval crafts 
and medieval poetry, both espousing political radicalism, radiated their re- 
spective forms of redemption— the one plastic and visual, the other musical 
and theatrical— throughout Europe. In Munich, the two movements met. 
Here it was that young Kandinsky encountered both in their fin-de-siecle 

How ironically fitting it was that the counter-cultures launched by Mor- 
ris and Wagner should meet in Munich as the nineteenth century neared its 
end! For Munich had become the major Central European center of art on 
the official French model, with a vigorous, dominant, traditional academy 
and a salon that ranked as the outstanding display and exchange center for 
painting east of the Rhine. 

Kandinsky came to Munich to study painting in the French-inspired 
academic tradition, and the autonomous canvas remained the principal ve- 
hicle for his ultimate, highly personal vision. But to understand the ideational 
content and increasingly atomized and condensed visual form of his work, 
one must see his Munich experience whole, with the powerful countercur- 
rents which swept him up— of arts and crafts, of socially critical theater, of 
artistic synaesthesia— that in their separate ways challenged the autonomist 
aesthetic of painting. Accordingly, Kandinsky in Munich combines the genre 
of a retrospective exhibition with that of a collective city-culture, for only 
thus can his oeuvre emerge as both individual creation and historical con- 

This catalogue is designed to open for the viewer/reader the multiple 
dimensions of the exhibition. Accordingly, two professional disciplines are 


represented in it. Peg Weiss who, as guest curator, has conceived and 
mounted the exhibition, is an art historian. In the principal essay in the cat- 
alogue, Dr. Weiss analyzes Kandinsky's development in terms of the varied 
cultural movements— decorative, folkish, theatrical, poetic— showing how the 
painter ingested them in thought and projected them as vision in his works. 
A social historian of culture, Peter Jelavich, provides a wider background. 
Bringing into conjunction the rich if contradictory legacy of Munich as cos- 
mopolitan art-capital of Central Europe, he illuminates the crises in both 
politics and culture that opened new problems and new possibilities for art 
and for the function of the artist in the first decade of our century. 

To appreciate so powerful an artist as Kandinsky, so sensitive a respon- 
dent to the contradictory pressures of Munich's vital cultural environment, 
one needs more than the texts that are his works. Conversely, to appreciate 
historically the full affective and intellectual reality that was Munich culture 
before 19 14, one needs the formed feeling that only a great artist can pro- 
vide. Kandinsky in Munich, therefore, aims to join together the aesthetic and 
historical modes of understanding and of exhibiting, to present text and con- 
text, the artist's work and his cultural environment, in reciprocal illumination. 



Peter Jelavich 

In 1896, when Vasily Kandinsky abandoned his promising legal profession 
in Russia in order to embark on a career in painting, his choice of a site for 
study was obvious. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, Munich had 
become, next to Paris, the major European center for academic training. 
Young men and and women from numerous countries, ranging from Russia 
to the United States, flocked to the Bavarian capital not only to pursue a tra- 
ditional course of study at the Academy and the other art schools, but also 
to witness firsthand the development of startlingly modern forms in the visual 
and performing arts. 

Munich had not always been a center of artistic training, yet it had long 
been a focus of cultural activity. The Catholic church and the Wittelsbach 
family, which had ruled Bavaria since the twelfth century, were the major 
patrons of the arts in Munich during the early modern era. Munich's geo- 
graphical proximity to the Alps made it a crossroads into Central Europe 
for both Italian art and Roman faith. In the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
turies, when Bavaria was elevated from a dukedom to an electorate of the 
Holy Roman Empire, the Wittelsbachs were militant defenders of Counter- 
Reformation Catholicism, as well as generous patrons of Baroque art, theater 
and music. The palatial Residenz and the ornate churches in the center of 
Munich still attest to the splendor of this age. 

Over the course of the eighteenth century, strains developed between the 
court and the clergy, as the Electors of Bavaria sought to weaken the power 
of the church, in keeping with the Europe-wide trend toward enlightened 
absolutism. During the "secularization" of 1803, the church estates— which 
comprised over half of the arable land of Bavaria— were confiscated by the 
secular government. This destruction of the material base of the church not 
only put an end to large-scale patronage by the religious orders, but also ini- 
tiated a political struggle between the modernizing state and the conservative 
church that lasted well over a century. 

In 1S06 the Bavarian Elector Max Joseph IV was proclaimed King Maxi- 
milian I by Napoleon, who thereby repaid the Bavarian ruler for his alliance 
with France during the continental wars. At the same time, the territory of 
Bavaria was augmented substantially through the incorporation of Protestant 
lands to the north. The expansion of the realm and the rise to royal status 
induced Maximilian and his son, Ludwig I (1825-4S), to transform Munich 
into an ostentatious cultural and administrative center. Ludwig proclaimed: 
"I want to turn Munich into such a city, that no one shall know Germany 


who does not know Munich." The city's transition from a center 'of Counter- 
Reformation Catholicism to the administrative capital of a secular, neo- 
ahsolutist state was symbolized by the fact that Munich's Gothic and Baroque 
core became surrounded by spacious boulevards lined with stark neoclassical 
and neo-Renaissance edifices. These structures housed the offices of the royal 
administration as well as the cultural landmarks of the capital— the univer- 
sity, the state library, the state theater and the royal collections of painting 
and sculpture. 

During the Europe-wide revolutions of 1848, Ludwig was forced to ab- 
dicate prematurely, owing to his overly absolutist rule. In order to assuage 
liberal discontent, Ludwig's son, Maximilian II (1848-64), granted the par- 
liament greater powers and the people more civil liberties. Whereas Ludwig I 
behaved as a neo-absolutist ruler, his son saw himself as a servant of the 
people, a "bourgeois monarch." Maximilian was keenly interested in im- 
proving the material conditions of Bavaria by encouraging technological and 
scientific advances. He also sponsored the applied arts and "modern" archi- 
tecture: the Kunstgewerbeverein was founded in 185 1, and three years later, 
the most advanced style of construction could be seen in Munich's Glaspalast, 
the first major iron-and-glass edifice on the continent. Moreover, whereas 
Ludwig I had employed stark architectural forms based on Greek and Italian 
Renaissance models to represent his absolutist rule over a rationally ordered 
state, Maximilian II patronized imitations of Gothic and Northern Renais- 
sance styles. These were considered quintessentially bourgeois styles in the 
mid-nineteenth century, inasmuch as the late Middle Ages and the Reforma- 
tion had been periods of burgher and patrician dominance in the German 
lands. This sponsorship of bourgeois forms in architecture and decorative 
design was paralleled by a turn from classicism and romanticism to realism 
at the Munich Academy of Art. Students of the Munich school of realistic 
historical, landscape and portrait painting included not only the outstanding 
German artists of the 1870s and 1880s (Franz Lenbach, Hans Makart and 
Wilhelm LeibI), but also many of the major American realists of the late 
nineteenth century (William Merritt Chase, Frank Duvenek, J. Frank Cur- 
rier and Toby Rosenthal). 

The scientific and pragmatic values that were fostered by Maximilian II 
were detested by his son, Ludwig II (1864-86). Only nineteen years old 
when he assumed the throne, Ludwig already showed signs of the schizo- 
phrenia that would mar his reign. Ludwig firmly believed in his divine right 
of kingship, and he liked to insist on royal prerogatives that were no longer 
acceptable or practicable in the modern world. In place of the pragmatic 
public-service mentality of Maximilian II, Ludwig hoped to substitute a 
charismatic and theatrical mode of rule; he wanted the court and people to 
be overcome by the spectacle of his royal aura. He idolized his namesake, 
Louis XIV of France, and had the palace of Herrenchiemsee constructed in 
the style of Versailles. Ludwig's greatest devotion was, however, reserved for 
Richard Wagner, who likewise revolted against the "bourgeois century." 
Wagner hoped to replace the utilitarian rationality, individualism and per- 
sonal asceticism of the German middle classes with intense emotional bond- 


ings based on erotic sensations and (imagined) feelings of racial unity. In 
Wagner's music dramas, reason gave way to mythic and symbolic intuition; 
Germanic and medieval tales were reformulated to evoke an intensely erotic 
communal response from the audience. The notion of forging community 
through theatrical means appealed to Ludwig, who inaugurated his reign 
by summoning Wagner to Munich. Within little more than a year, though, 
the composer's extravagant and adulterous personal life led to his expulsion 
from the Bavarian capital. Embittered by the hostility shown to Wagner, 
Ludwig turned his back on Munich and reserved his patronage for the Wag- 
nerian festival-house that was erected in Bayreuth (1876), as well as for the 
fairy-tale palaces, replete with Wagnerian motifis, that he commissioned 
among the mountains of southern Bavaria (Linderhof, Neuschwanstein). 

Ludwig's detestation of his capital city put an end to large-scale monar- 
chical sponsorship of Munich's cultural development. Nevertheless, the tra- 
ditions established by the Wittelsbach monarchs laid the basis for the cultural 
innovations that occurred during the reign of Ludwig's uncle, Prince Regent 
Luitpold (1886-1912), who ruled as a caretaker for Ludwig's fully schizo- 
phrenic brother, Otto I (1886-1916). In the 1890s Munich was so receptive 
to international Art Nouveau— or Jugendstil— because the city had a tradi- 
tion of middle-class arts and crafts reaching back to the 1850s, as well as a 
model of vibrant sensualism provided by Wagner. In the early years of Luit- 
pold's reign, this sensuality was embodied not only in Wagnerian music 
drama (which, despite initial hostility, became standard fare at the Munich 
opera), but also in the paintings of Franz Stuck. Although Stuck's use of 
Greek motifs harked back to the classicism of Ludwig I, the Stuckian propen- 
sity to portray a mythic demimonde of erotic creatures (nymphs, sphinxes, 
fauns, satyrs, centaurs) placed him in the sensualist and Symbolist tradition 
of Wagner. Like the composer, Stuck believed that encouragement of sexual 
instincts would help break the ascetic and individualist mold of the bour- 
geoisie. Stuck's sensualism, along with his use of relief-like composition, flat 
planes of rich color, and ornamental borders, made him an immediate pre- 
cursor of the Jugendstil movement that burst forth in Munich in 1896. 

Although the Jugendstil movement was not formally aligned with any 
political faction, it can best be understood as the expression of a resurgent 
noridoctrinaire left-liberalism that occurred when the wider liberal tradition 
was on its deathbed. By the 1890s, the liberalism that had characterized Ger- 
man bourgeois politics in the mid-nineteenth century was gravely endangered 
in the Reich at large, as well as in Bavaria in particular. The liberal move- 
ment, which had led the revolutions of 1848, collapsed in the course of Ger- 
many's unification and domestic consolidation (ca. 1860-80). A left-liberal 
minority clung to traditional libertarian ideals, namely the unification of 
Germany under a constitutional monarch with a powerful and democrati- 
cally elected parliament. The majority of National Liberals, however, acqui- 
esced to the Bismarckian formula: in return for the employment of Prussian 
arms to forge German unity, the undemocratic constitution of the new Im- 
perial federation gave a commanding political role to Prussia's military and 
agrarian elites. National Liberal willingness to forgo a democratization of 


society was reinforced by the rapid spread of Marxist ideals among Ger- 
many's burgeoning proletariat during the 1870s. Fear of Social Democracy 
encouraged the right-liberal middle classes to continue their cooperation 
with Prussia's traditional elites long after the military objectives of German 
unification had been achieved. Thus, except for the brief regime of Bis- 
marck's successor, the liberal chancellor Caprivi (1890-94), liberalism was 
condemned to play a subordinate role in Imperial politics. 

In contrast, liberalism was the predominant ideology of the ruling cir- 
cles of Bavaria from the time of Maximilian II. The desire to modernize the 
state and to diminish the influence of the conservative Catholic church in- 
duced the Bavarian monarchs of the last half of the nineteenth century to 
appoint liberal (and usually Protestant) ministers to the royal cabinets. Lib- 
eralism was also prevalent in the Bavarian parliament, which was dominated 
by representatives of Bavaria's urban bourgeoisie. This hegemonic rule of 
liberal elites was challenged in the 1860s by the political arm of the Catholic 
church. The signal for the offensive came from Rome: the Syllabus of Errors 
of 1864 and the proclamation of papal infallibility in TS70 were designed to 
strengthen the internal discipline of the church and to reverse the secular and 
modernizing trends of the day. By sponsoring what was, in effect, a massive 
voter-registration campaign in the staunchly Catholic Bavarian countryside, 
the Catholic Center Party gained control of the Bavarian parliament in 1869. 
Except for a period in the 1890s, the Center held an absolute majority of 
seats in that body until the end of World War I. The Bavarian monarchs 
continued to appoint liberal cabinets until 19 12, but the ministers were in- 
creasingly forced to make concessions to the politically hostile parliament, 
which controlled the governmental budget. 

Although the long-term prospects for liberalism looked bleak in the 
1890s, there were two major signs of encouragement: Caprivi was able to 
initiate some liberal reforms during his Imperial chancellorship, and the 
Center Party lost its majority in the Bavarian parliament between 1893 and 
1899, owing to the defection of its radical-populist wing. Within this context, 
there arose in Munich a politically unaffiliated, but ideologically left-liberal 
movement that sought to revitalize middle-class self-confidence and support 
for libertarian ideals. One of the major spokesmen of this trend was Georg 
Hirth. Hirth had been a liberal publicist during the 1860s and 1870s, but his 
disappointment with Bismarck's authoritarian regime induced him, by his 
own admission, to turn from political to cultural concerns. In 1877, ne pub- 
lished an influential book on The German Renaissatice Room, which attacked 
the stylistic heterogeneity of contemporary interior design, and advocated 
instead the integral use of Northern Renaissance forms to fashion bourgeois 
domestic environments. Hirth was drawn back into political journalism in 
1881, when he became editor of the Mimchener Neneste Nachrichte?i, which 
his wife had inherited. This publication was Munich's largest-selling daily 
newspaper, as well as the major organ of Bavarian liberalism. 

In 1896, at a time when the liberal era of Caprivi had been followed by a 
period of intense conservative reaction in Berlin, Hirth decided that conven- 
tional political journalism would not suffice for the propagation of liberal 

goals. Hence he founded the literary and artistic journal Jnge7id, which com- 
bined his expression of political proclivities with his earlier interest in arts 
and crafts. The goal of Jugend was, as its title proclaimed, "youth"— a reju- 
venation of the liberal middle classes not just politically, but also psychically 
and aesthetically. The bourgeoisie was supposed to overcome its subservience 
to Prussian elites, its creeping accommodation to Catholic majorities and its 
fear of socialist workers by adopting an exuberant spirit that would allow it 
to face vigorously and successfully the challenges of the day. The morally 
ascetic and politically subservient aspects of bourgeois behavior were to be 
replaced by a more liberated attitude toward religion, culture, sexuality and 
the state. 

Whereas Hirth had earlier viewed the Northern Renaissance as Ger- 
many's genuinely bourgeois style, he now became a spokesman for the latest 
French, Belgian and English trends in the graphic arts. The international Art 
Nouveau stressed strong linear outline, flat planes of bright color and a wil- 
ful stylization of people and objects to achieve either ornamental or comic 
effects. This style proved perfectly suited to the goals of Jugend, which sought 
to satirize the opponents of liberal values, as well as to encourage an exuber- 
ant attitude toward life. The sensuality of Stuckian painting reappeared in 
the illustrations, provocative for the time, that bedecked the covers and in- 
side pages of the journal. Similar views and a similar style were propagated 
by Simplicissimus, a satirical magazine founded simultaneously with jugend. 
Indeed, Simplicissimus soon outshone jugend in the audacity of its political 
criticism, so that by 1898 the two competing journals achieved a working 
accommodation: while Simplicissimus specialized in social and political sat- 
ire, jugend generally restricted itself to graphics and belles-lettres. 

Artistic and intellectual rejuvenation was not, of course, confined to the 
pages of two illustrated magazines; indeed, jugend gave its name to Jugend- 
stil, the broad decorative arts movement that developed throughout Germany 
in the late 1890s. Within Munich, promising young artists like Peter Behrens 
and Richard Riemerschmid, who had initially created paintings that were 
intended to be hung in bourgeois homes in museal fashion, turned now to the 
applied arts and architecture. Their new goal was to design homes as inte- 
grated artistic environments, from exterior facades and internal tapestries to 
furniture, ceramics and silverware. Since the new artistic movement looked 
hopefully into the future rather than wistfully into the past, the young crafts- 
men discarded previous historical styles and employed forms derived from 
vegetative or crystalline nature, or from a free play of fantasy. 

Jugendstil's visual rejuvenation of the bourgeois environment was com- 
plemented by a revitalization of the critical liberal spirit in the theater. Frank 
Wedekind and Ludwig Thoma, the major literary contributors to Simplicis- 
simus in its early years, were preeminently playwrights. Whereas Wedekind's 
dramas (Spring Awakening, Earth Spirit, Pandora's Box) criticized the sup- 
pression of sexuality and individuality in modern society, the comedies of 
the left-liberal Thoma satirized both Catholic politicians and weak-kneed 
National Liberals. The most innovative theatrical expression of the aggres- 
sive liberal spirit was the Elf Scharfrichter (Eleven Executioners, 1901-03), 

the most famous cabaret in Wilhelmine Germany. The members of the 
Scharfrichter considered their venture "applied theater," in analogy to ap- 
plied art: cabaret was to relate to traditional theater in the same manner that 
the decorative arts related to painting on canvas. In contrast to the "aura" of 
classical theater or museal art, which seemed to hold spectators at a distance, 
the informal and intimate format of cabaret encouraged a more direct in- 
volvement of the audience with the presentation. Moreover, the lyrics, songs 
and skits of the cabaret were constantly updated to address the latest topics 
of the day. 

The visual sensuality, verbal satire and theatrical aggression of Munich's 
resurgent liberal culture were intended to challenge the Catholic moralists in 
the Bavarian parliament and the reactionary rulers in Berlin. These groups 
responded with all of the political and legal means at their disposal, most 
notably the articles in the criminal code that forbade obscenity, blasphemy 
and lese majesty. In 1895 the Munich playwright Oskar Panizza was impris- 
oned for a year for publishing his "blasphemous" anti-Catholic play, The 
Council of Love. Four years later, Wedekind spent seven months in jail for 
ridiculing the Kaiser in the pages of Simplicissimus. Ludwig Thoma's attacks 
on Christian morality-leagues in the pages of the same journal four years 
later earned him several weeks of incarceration. Even though such imprison- 
ment was infrequent, issues of Simplicissimus were regularly confiscated and 
destroyed on account of excessive blasphemy, obscenity or political satire. 

The visual arts were not spared from attack. In the early 1890s, the 
Munich police, under Catholic pressure, forced a Munich art dealer to re- 
move a reproduction of the Venus de Milo from his display window— an inci- 
dent that inspired Thomas Mann to compose "Gladius Dei," a story about 
a confrontation between a dealer in "pornographic" art and an incensed 
brother of the church. This conflict found its fiercest expression in the no- 
torious Lex Heinze, a legislative proposal that would have broadened the 
legal definition of obscenity to include potentially all representations of the 
human nude. This bill was, fortunately, narrowly defeated in 1900, after 
the Munich artistic community composed a protest that proclaimed: "Under 
such a law, Munich would soon cease to be a center of artistic and spiritual 
life— indeed, it would cease to be 'Munich.' " Three years later, though, the 
Catholic majority in the Bavarian parliament engineered a budgetary crisis 
that toppled the cabinet of the liberal prime minister Crailsheim (1S90- 
1903). He was succeeded by Podewils (1903-11), a conservative liberal who 
sought a rapprochement between right-liberals and moderate Catholics. One 
of his first acts of accommodation was to acquiesce to the demand of Cath- 
olic representatives to close the Scharfrichter cabaret. 

By the time of the liberals' political defeat in 190?, the Jugendstil move- 
ment in Munich had passed its prime; the duration of the Jttgend spirit was 
as short as that of youth itself. Jugendstil touched only the artistic commu- 
nity and a small portion of the wealthy strata of society; it left little impact 
on the taste and behavior of the Munich middle classes as a whole. In the 
1890s, when the socialists began to win major electoral victories among 
Munich's laboring population, the liberal middle classes of the Bavarian cap- 

ital started to move to the right. This growing political conservatism was 
complemented by a lingering traditionalism of aesthetic taste. The areas of 
bourgeois expansion in Munich around 1900— Schwabing, the Prinzregen- 
tenstrasse and the land along and beyond the Isar river— all display striking 
examples of Jugendstil architecture, but the number of buildings designed in 
the older historicist styles is much greater. Indeed, most so-called Jugendstil 
facades are actually mixtures of modern decorative designs with Renaissance 
or Baroque motifs. The unprecedented exterior of the Elvira photographic 
atelier (1897), bedecked with an immense wave-like ornament, remained 
unique. In 1901 Hermann Obrist, an outstanding Jugendstil artist, lamented: 
"If only the Munich bourgeoisie would realize what is happening here, and 
see that the first act of the drama of the art of the future is being played out 
here— the art that will lead from applied crafts to sculpture and further to 
painting. . . . The future of Munich as a city of art will depend on this." 

The fact that Munich's bourgeoisie failed to "realize what is happening 
here" discouraged the Jugendstil movement in the Bavarian capital. By 1903 
many of Munich's major Jugendstil artists— Peter Behrens, Bernard Pankok, 
Otto Eckmann, August Endell— had left the city to continue their careers in 
more promising and lucrative environments. Indeed, a heated (and indecis- 
ive) public debate was touched off on the issue of "Munich's decline as a city 
of art." By 1909 even Kandinsky complained that the Munich art world had 
become a "Land of Cockaigne" in which everyone, from painters to public, 
had fallen into deep sleep. Nevertheless, despite the public somnolence of the 
visual arts in Munich after 1903, aesthetic innovations were still being en- 
gendered in the privacy of exclusive artistic circles. 

From its very beginnings, Jugendstil had been a socially ambiguous phe- 
nomenon. Whereas the culturally rejuvenating, sensuous and satirical dimen- 
sions of the movement had received the most public attention, a minority 
of its practitioners had transformed the modern style into an intensely per- 
sonal and spiritual artistic language. Most Jugendstil artists sought to encour- 
age the vitality of modern life. In his essay on The Beauty of the Modern City 
(1908), August Endell proclaimed: "There is only one healthy foundation for 
all culture, and that is the passionate love for the here and now, for our time, 
for our country." In contrast, other artists were horrified by the changes in 
modern life, such as industrial growth, mechanization, urban crowding, and 
the loosening of social and sexual mores; many artists found these develop- 
ments psychically disruptive. Significantly, the two outstanding works of 
prose fiction composed in prewar Munich— Alfred Kubin's The Other Side 
(1909), and Thomas Mann's Death in Venice (19 12)— both describe near- 
hallucinatory trips that begin in Munich and end with a total breakdown of 
self-restraint and social order. 

In reaction to the social and psychic flux of modernity, the writers as- 
sembled around the poet Stefan George segregated themselves from the pub- 
lic and cultivated ritual and hierarchical relationships among themselves. 
The same phenomenon of segregation and self-ordering could be seen in 
certain examples of Jugendstil architecture and decorative art in Munich. 
The Schauspielhaus, a relatively small, exquisite theater designed by Richard 


Riemerschmid in 1901, was concealed in the interior courtyard of an inner- 
city housing block. The rounded contours, vaguely vegetative forms and 
deep red color of the auditorium evoked the image of a natural haven— half 
thicket, half womb— that shut out the public life and commercial traffic of 
the city. Similarly, Otto Eckmann, an accomplished Munich Jugendstil artist 
who designed his apartment down to the last detail, considered his abode a 
private refuge from a disconcerting reality. His sister-in-law wrote of his 
home: "It was nice at their place, and whoever left there, experienced the 
world outside as doubly ugly, unharmonious, loud, and heartless. But this 
environment also emanated a type of paralysis, something that tore one 
forcefully away from real life." In such cases, Jugendstil was transformed 
from a public ornament into a defensive casing that excluded the external 

Whereas most artists used the modern forms to address contemporary 
issues and to revitalize everyday life, the minority that tended toward aes- 
thetic introversion developed Jugendstil into a means of spiritually tran- 
scending material reality. Already before 1900 certain artists in Munich- 
Hermann Obrist, August Endell and Adolf Holzel— were coming to the con- 
clusion that the linear and ornamental elements of Jugendstil could be used 
non-mimetically to evoke strong sensations. The free line in space, much like 
the immaterial "line" of music, seemed to express feelings more directly than 
depictions of real objects, which aroused emotional responses only indirectly 
(through allegory, implied narrative or empathy). Mimesis came to be seen 
as an unnecessary detour around the direct visual expression of the spirit that 
could be embodied in pure line, form and color. 

The failure of the middle classes to respond on a socially significant scale 
to the revitalizing tendencies of Jugendstil reinforced the antisocial attitudes 
of the movement's spiritual and inward-looking practioners. However, intro- 
version was not the only answer to bourgeois neglect. A number of artists 
looked beyond the culture of their native middle class and turned to the "peo- 
ple," the Volk, for inspiration. This development first occurred within the 
context of the theater. The cabaret movement adopted the format of vaude- 
ville, and it employed many of the genres of popular theater (marionettes, 
shadow-plays, songs, dances and so forth). These "minor" genres of the per- 
forming arts were used not only because they could be composed quickly 
and adapted to satirical purposes, but also because they offered a greater vi- 
tality than the forms of conventional "literary" theater. 

Even after the satirical impetus of the cabaret movement was halted by 
decree in 1903, the vital forms of popular theater were introduced to the 
"elite" stage. After his participation in the Sclmrfrichter cabaret, Wedekind 
increasingly employed songs, dances and pantomimes in his dramas. By 1908, 
when a large exhibition was held to celebrate Munich's commercial and cul- 
tural achievements, all three model theaters presented the international public 
with examples of the imitation and creative appropriation of popular theater. 
The Schwabinger Schattenspiele produced shadow-plays composed by some 
of Munich's Symbolist poets; the Marionettentheater Miinchener Kunstler 
employed marionettes designed by Munich's best applied artists; and the 


Miinchener Kiinstlertheater, for which many of Munich's modern painters 
and graphic artists designed sets, used styles of acting derived from both 
popular circus and religious ritual. 

The increasing employment of forms of popular theatrics by elite per- 
forming artists after 1903 was part of an attempt to reach beyond the liberal 
and educated middle-class audience. Since the turn of the century (1897 in 
the Reich, 1903 in Bavaria), the political tendency in Germany was toward 
Sammlung, toward the coalition of all non-socialist parties. This integrative 
political trend found cultural parallels among those artists who sought to 
address the Volk at large, rather than a specific social class or political group. 
Georg Fuchs, the organizer of the Miinchener Kiinstlertheater, was a leading 
spokesman of this volkisch movement in Munich. He revived the Wagnerian 
notion of theater as a communal experience of all members of the Germanic 
race, and he believed that popular theatrics would enable him to address the 
widest possible audience. The Elf Scharfrichter had employed the popular 
performing arts for critical and satirical purposes; yet five years later, Fuchs 
was adapting popular theatrics to nationalist and racist ends. By that time 
even Jugend, which had been founded in a spirit of left-liberalism, had ac- 
quired nationalistic and even anti-Semitic overtones. Liberalism had, indeed, 
fallen upon hard times. 

At the end of the nineteenth century the political and social developments in 
Germany in general, and in Bavaria in particular, fostered varying and con- 
tradictory tendencies in Munich's visual and performing arts— aggressive and 
regenerative Jugendstil, aesthetic introversion and a turn to popular culture. 
Although these tendencies were components of Kandinsky's evolving art dur- 
ing his years in Munich (1896-1914), his particular genius resided in his 
ability to employ these developments in novel and non-nationalist ways. 
Petrov-Vodkin, a compatriot of Kandinsky who likewise came to Munich for 
artistic training, noted that Russians went to the Bavarian capital to escape 
the provincialism of their homeland, but tended to fall victim to "another 
provincialism— blind following of German modernism." Fortunately, Kan- 
dinsky took from Munich those innovations which he considered intrinsic 
to art and man in general, and he discarded those elements which he deemed 
particularist or ephemeral. The conception of abstraction as a spiritual tran- 
scendence of reality; the expressive possibilities of line, form and color in 
themselves; and the rich potential of the popular arts— these notions were 
encouraged by Kandinsky's Munich experience. As a foreigner, however, 
Kandinsky did not involve himself in the social and political conflicts of the 
Munich artistic community. Indeed, much of what he saw— the Center Party's 
translation of faith into politics, the Jugendstil use of art for political satire, 
or the employment of folk theater for racist national ends— confirmed his be- 
lief that both art and faith had become degraded in the modern world. 

Turn-of-the-century Munich had many artistic spokesmen for commu- 
nity and transcendence, but Kandinsky was unique in that he advocated spir- 


itual transcendence in order to reestablish community on a cosmopolitan, 
trans-national and universalist scale. He employed millenarian themes in his 
masterpieces of 1909-14 not out of narrow attachment to Christian faith, but 
rather because he believed that the Christian apocalyptic tradition— which 
had long been the inspiration for heresy— could be transformed in the faith 
of the coming "epoch of great spirituality." Likewise, Kandinsky turned to 
Russian and Bavarian folk art not for reasons of race or nationalism, but 
rather because he believed that it expressed a fundamental aesthetic urge 
that could also be encountered in the arts of Asia and Africa, as well as in 
the works of his modernist colleagues in France, Germany and Russia. The 
Blane Reiter almanac is perhaps the greatest monument of the universalist 
urge in art. 

Such universalism must always, however, have roots in the concrete par- 
ticular. In response to the specific political and social nexus of liberalism in 
Wilhelmine Germany and Catholic Bavaria, Munich's cultural community 
accentuated certain formal and spiritual dimensions of international Art 
Nouveau and German popular culture. The particular confluence of politics 
and culture in Munich threw into relief those dimensions of art that became 
the building blocks of Kandinsky's prewar style. 


Today— after so many years— the spiritual atmosphere in that beautiful and, 
in spite of everything, nevertheless dear Munich has changed fundamentally. 
The then so loud and restless Schwabing has become still— not a single sound 
is heard from there. Too bad about beautiful Munich and still more about 
the somewhat comical, rather eccentric and self-conscious Schivabing, in 
whose streets a person— be it a man or woman— ["a Weibsbuild")— without 
a palette, or without a canvas or ivithout at least a portfolio, immediately 
attracted attention. Like a "stranger" in a "country town." Everyone painted 
. . . or made poetry, or music, or began to dance. In every house one found at 
least two ateliers under the roof, where sometimes not so much was painted, 
but where always much was discussed, disputed, philosophized and diligently 
drunk (which was more dependent on the state of the pocketbook than on 
the state of morals). 

"What is Schwabing?" a Berliner once asked in Munich. 

"It is the northern part of the city," said a Munchner. 

"Not a bit," said another, "it is a spiritual state." Which was more correct. 

Schwabing was a spiritual island in the great world, in Germany, mostly 
in Munich itself. 

There 1 lived for many years. There 1 painted the first abstract picture. 
There I concerned myself with thoughts about "pure" painting, pure art. I 
sought to proceed analytically, to discover synthetic connections, dreamed 
of the coming "great synthesis," felt myself forced to share my ideas not only 
with the surrounding island but with people beyond this island. . . . 

Kandinsky to Paul Westheim, 1930 
Bauhaus, Dessau 




Peg Weiss 

I Munich: Encounter and Apprenticeship 

I wish to take this opportunity to ex- 
press my gratitude to my colleague Pro- 
fessor Kenneth C. Lindsay of the State 
University of Binghamton at Bingham- 
ton. New York, for his thorough read- 
ing of this manuscript and for his many 
helpful suggestions. 
Due to limitations of space, footnotes 
are kept to a minimum in the present 
essay, and are included only where 
absolutely essential. 
Translations from the German are 
provided by the author, unless other- 
wise noted. 

I. Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a 
Thousand Faces, New York, Meridian 
Books, i960, p. 337. 

z. In this essay I have tried to provide a 
general overview of Kandinsky's Mu- 
nich years. However, for a far more 
detailed discussion of the Jugendstil 
experience, the reader is referred to my 
book Kandinsky in Munich: The For- 
mative Jugendstil Years, Princeton, 
New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 
1979, which inspired this exhibition. In 
the present restricted space, I have dis- 
cussed at length only subjects about 
which new information has come to my 
attention, or areas not covered by the 
book, in particular Kandinsky's associ- 
ation with the Neue Kiinstlervereini- 
gung Munchen and the BLme Reiter. 
Other aspects of Kandinsky's early 
period are discussed by Rose-Carol 
Washton Long in Kandinsky: The De- 
velopment of an Abstract Style, Ox- 
ford, Clarendon Press, 19S0, and by 
Jonathan Fineherg in Kandinsky in 
Paris, 1906-07, Ph.D. dissertation. Har- 
vard University, 1975. These works, as 
well as the standard biography by Will 
Grohmann, Wassily Kandinsky: Life 
and Work, New York, Harry N. 
Abrams, 1958, should be consulted for 
further information. With the gradual 
publication of further documentation 
on this hitherto little-known area of 

Kandinsky arrived in Munich to begin the serious study of art in 1896. Be- 
tween that time and his ultimate departure from the Bavarian capital in 1914 
at the outbreak of World War I, he precipitated a vast sea change in the vis- 
ion and vocabulary of modern art. His historic breakthrough to abstraction 
may in fact be seen as a modern apotropaic act, a quintessentially twentieth- 
century exorcism aimed at healing a civilization paralyzed into complacency 
by the specters of unprecedented social, technological, political and cultural 
changes. In his art and in his writing Kandinsky thrust a metaphorical coup 
de grace at the stranglehold of complacency and conservatism; in his image 
of the Blue Rider, a twentieth-century St. George, he had created an emblem 
with which to identify himself and his aims. 

In The Hero with a Thousand Faces Joseph Campbell wrote: "For the 
mythological hero is the champion not of things become but of things becom- 
ing; the dragon to be slain by him is precisely the monster of the status quo: 
Holdfast, the keeper of the past." 1 No better description could be found of the 
role Kandinsky was to play in the history of modern art. The conflict between 
St. George and the dragon became, in fact, a compelling leitmotif in his life's 
work. In the art of the twentieth century Kandinsky himself was a hero of 
things becoming, of encounter and transformation; the field of confrontation 
was primarily Munich in those two decades at the century's turn, before war, 
undeterred by the conjurations of idealists, tore their dreams asunder. 

Kandinsky's encounter with Munich and his transformation of the ele- 
ments he found there, which fueled his dramatic breakthrough to abstrac- 
tion, form the subject of this exhibition. 2 The magnitude of that creative leap 
can, however, only be suggested in what must necessarily be a limited selec- 
tion. Between the first hesitant works of the student and the brilliant finale 
of the Campbell murals completed on the eve of World War I, lies a rich vor- 
tex of encounter, experience and dream which can merely be adumbrated 
here. Nevertheless, the suggestion alone must give us pause, and inspire awe 
at the courage, determination, discipline and inspiration of this artist, whom 
Franz Marc described as a man "who can move mountains." 

The drastic nature of the transmutations wrought by Kandinsky may be 
briefly but dramatically previewed in a series of comparisons of his works 
with others by artists well known in Munich before 1900. Hans von Marees, 
the German Puvis de Chavannes, rediscovered and revered by turn-of-the- 


Kandinsky's life, it will be possible to 
reconstruct a more complete view of 
his early development. An example of 
this new material is the Kandinsky- 
Schonberg correspondence which has 
recently appeared: Jelena Hahl-Koch, 
ed., Arnold Schonberg—W assily Kan- 
dinsky: Briefe, Wilder nnd Dokumente 
einer aussergewohnlichen Begegming, 
Salzburg and Vienna, Residenz Verlag, 
1980. Kandinsky's published writings 
are now available for the first time in 
English: Kenneth C. Lindsay and Peter 
Vergo, eds., Kandinsky: Complete 
Writings on Art, Boston, G. K. Hall, 
1982. Since the Lindsay-Vergo transla- 
tions were in press at the time of writ- 
ing there was not time to coordinate 
them with this essay. In the case of 
Kandinsky's Apollon letters, Professor 
Lindsay kindly allowed me to check a 
previous translation with the new 
translations from the Russian for the 
sake of general accuracy. The ex- 
tremely well-documented edition of 
the writings of Paul Klee by Christian 
Geelhaar is also an invaluable source 
of information about the cultural life, 
especially the music, of Munich in the 
early years of this century: Paul Klee: 
Scbriften, Rezensionen nnd Anfsatze, 
Cologne, DuMont Buchverlag, 1976; 
Klee's own diary and his recently pub- 
lished correspondence with his family 
are other valuable sources: Felix Klee, 
ed., The Diaries of Paid Klee, 1898- 
1918, Berkeley and Los Angeles, Uni- 
versity of California Press, 1968, and 
Felix Klee, ed., Paul Klee Briefe an die 
Familie: 1893-1940, Cologne, DuMont, 

fig. 1 

Hans von Marees 

St. George. 1881 

Oil (on panel?) 

Collection Bayerische Staatsgemaldesamm- 

lungen, Munich 

fig. 2 
Walter Crane 

St. George's Battle with the Dragon or 

England's Emblem, ca. 1894 

Oil on canvas (?) 

Present location unknown 

century artists, produced several versions of St. George and the Dragon. One 
of these (fig. 1), a pendent to his great triptych of saints on horseback (St. 
George, St. Martin and St. Hubertus), was installed at the Bayerische Konig- 
liche Galerie in Schleissheim, a Munich suburb, before 1900. Another von 
Marees St. George was on view at the Nationalgalerie in Berlin by 1889. St. 
George's Battle with the Dragon or England's Emblem, ca. 1894 (fig. 2), was 
the clou of a retrospective of the work of Walter Crane, the great William 
Morris disciple; the exhibition toured Germany, including Munich, in 1896- 
97 and St. George's Battle was widely reproduced. It depicted the hero-saint 
charging the demon-protector of an industrial city, anathema to Crane, the 
idealist social-reformer. 

Between these characteristically nineteenth-century representations of the 
saint on horseback and the great series of St. George images created by Kan- 
dinsky from 1911 to 1913 (for example, cat. nos. 318, 319, 323), we glimpse 
that sea change, that "thundering collision of worlds," as Kandinsky would 


Vasily Kandinsky 

In the Black Square. 1913 

Oil on canvas 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 

Museum, New York 

fig- 4 

Franz von Stuck 

The Lost Paradise (Expulsion from the 

Garden) (detail). 1897 

Oil on canvas 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Galerie 

Neue Meister, Dresden 

define painting in his memoir "Riickblicke" ("Reminiscences"). The momen- 
tum of that leap would carry him on to further transformations of the theme 
as in the 192.3 painting /;; the Black Square (fig. 3) and still further to Tem- 
pered Elan of 1944. 

A similarly dramatic transformation is apparent in a series of paintings 
on the theme of the Guardian of Paradise, beginning with the prize-winning 
canvas of 1S89 of that title by Kandinsky's teacher, Franz von Stuck (cat no. 
51), or his Expulsion from the Garden of 1897 (fig. 4). Kandinsky's guardian 
figures in Paradise of 1909, and the related Improvisation S of the same year 
(fig. 5) already inhabit another dimension. The distance traversed from this 
dimension to the transcendent presence in his 1925 masterpiece Yellow-Red- 
Blue (fig. 6), in which the guardian image is paired with a cosmic St. George 
and dragon, now transformed into blue circle and whiplash line, represents a 
leap of yet another magnitude. 


Vasily Kandinsky 

Improvisation 8. 1910 

Oil on canvas 

Private Collection, New York 

fig. 6 

Vasily Kandinsky 


Oil on canvas 

Private Collection, Paris 



By the time of Kandinsky's arrival in 1896, Munich's golden age had already 
produced Germany's first secessionist movement with the founding of the 
Munich Secession in 189Z and had witnessed the birth of Germany's version 
of Art Nouveau, Jugendstil, or "style of youth." These two, then, Secession 
and Jugendstil, carried the banners of the avant-garde in that Isar-Athens 
during the last uneasy twilit years of the nineteenth century. The Secession 
was composed of a heterogeneous group of artists who had little in common 
except the need to establish a front against the overwhelming mediocrity of 
the numbingly vast exhibitions staged annually by the old Kiinstlcrgenossen- 
schaft {Artists' Society) in the mammoth spaces of the Glaspalast (cat. no. 14), 
Munich's answer to London's Crystal Palace. Among the founders of the 
Secession were some of Germany's strongest and most progressive artists: 
Peter Behrens, Lovis Corinth, Otto Eckmann, Thomas Theodor Heine, Adolf 
Holzel, Max Liebermann, Franz Stuck, Hans Thoma, Wilhelm Triibner and 
Fritz von Uhde. (Foreign members included Paul Besnard, Emile Blanche, 
Eugene Carriere and Giovanni Segantini.) Although these artists represented 
a stylistic mix ranging from academic historicism to naturalism, from Im- 
pressionism to Symbolism, and notably lacked programmatic cohesion, the 
strength of their statement created shock waves which resulted within a few 
years in the foundation of Secessions in Berlin and in Vienna. 

On the other hand, Jugendstil, stepchild of that monumental reform 
movement in applied arts set in motion by William Morris in mid-century, 
had not only a cohesive program, but a momentum of then unsuspected 
power. It harbored within it the seeds of the altogether new: the concept of 
an art without objects. It was the style of the wavy line, dynamic image of 
energy, whose own turgid undertow would inevitably bring it down, but on 
whose crest rode the daring possibilities of an entirely new art, which, indeed, 
it prophesied. Although an unofficial movement, several members of the 
Secession were spokesmen as well as adherents. The names of Behrens, Eck- 
mann, Heine and Stuck all were to become inextricably associated with 
Jugendstil. Indeed, both Behrens and Eckmann converted entirely, giving up 
careers in the fine arts to devote themselves to the Arts and Crafts Movement 
and to the ultimate dream of the Gesamtkunsticerk, the total work of art. 

Thomas Mann's description in his story "Gladius Dei" of Munich at the 
turn of the century as a radiant center of the arts (see p. 12) came close to 
the truth, though tinged with the irony of his story whose youthful protag- 
onist saw the city rather as a modern Gomorrah. In fact, the Jugendstil cult 
of line, the "bizarre" architectural ornament, the plethora of publications 
devoted to art, especially to the applied arts, abounded. The magazine Jugend 
was founded in 1896, just in time to lend its name to the new movement. The 
young architect August Endell scandalized the city that year with his designs 
for the Hofatelier Elvira (cat. nos. 15-17, 50) and published an attack on the 
established art scene in the form of a pamphlet called On Beauty, a Para- 
phrase on the Munich Art Exhibitions of 1896 (cat. no. ^44) in which he 
proclaimed: "There is no greater error than the belief that the painstaking 
imitation of nature is art." The satirical magazine Simplicissimus, which was 


fig- 7 

Bernhard Pankok 

Doorivay Tapestry with Embroidered 
Abstract Design (detail), ca. 1899 

Klaus Lankheit, "Die Fruhromantik 
und die Grundlagen der gegenstands- 
losen Malerei," Neue Heidelberger 
Jahrbiicher, Neue Folge, 1957, pp. 55- 
90; Otto Stelzer, Die Vorgescbichte der 
Abstrakten Kanst, Denkmodelle und 
Vor-Bilder, Munich, R. Piper & Co., 

to publish work by the best of Munich's Jugendstil artists and poets, made its 
debut the same year, and in 1897 the magazine Dekorative Kunst, devoted to 
the international movement in the applied arts, appeared. EndelPs mentor, 
the sculptor Hermann Obrist, who had already attracted attention with an 
unprecedented exhibition of fanciful and monumental embroideries, was 
now engaged in organizing the Vereinigten Werkstatten fiir Kunst im Hand- 
werk (United Workshops for Art in Craft). Walter Crane's retrospective re- 
ceived a warm welcome, as did a competitive exhibition of Art Nouveau 
posters which included the work of Beardsley, Toulouse-Lautrec and Grasset. 

Certain characteristics of Jugendstil— its arbitrary play with line, color 
and form at the expense of historical or naturalistic reference; its tendency to 
two-dimensionality, its messianic, reforming spirit; and, above all, its striv- 
ing for the ideal of an aesthetically determined environment— were to have 
significant ramifications for the art of the twentieth century. Yet these char- 
acteristics were born of a long development out of the art of the previous 
century. Jugendstil found much of its theoretical justification and inspiration 
in German Romanticism, as the English Arts and Crafts Movement had found 
precedent and inspiration in the work of Blake, Palmer and even Turner. 
Philipp Otto Runge's yearning for a great synthesis of the arts in the ideal 
Gesamtknnstiverk, Caspar David Friedrich's inward-turning eye and his 
identification of the creative act with cosmic creation were fundamental as- 
sumptions of turn-of-the-century Symbolist art and theory. Impressionist 
indifference to subject matter and emphasis on technique at the expense of 
clarity, Symbolist emphasis on essence and idea as opposed to narrative and 
description, Post-Impressionist separation of the formal elements of color and 
line, and its particular concern with the psychological effects of these elements 
—all these were shared and extended by Jugendstil art. 3 But it was primarily 
in the vision of an aesthetically determined environment that the adherents 
of Jugendstil sought a solution to the crisis which had existed in the arts from 
the middle of the nineteenth century. Detoured into meaningless historicism 
and empty academicism, art was perceived as having become estranged from 
life. The arts and crafts movement proposed to bridge the gap by returning 
aesthetic values to everyday life through universal reform in applied arts, 
architecture and urban planning. Its ambitions were Utopian and messianic; 
its aim was to raise the fundamental quality of modern life by means of an 
aesthetic language which would transcend social and national boundaries. 

In Munich the acknowledged leaders of the Jugendstil revolution in ap- 
plied arts were Obrist and Endell. Among other prominent artists engaged 
in the movement in Munich were Richard Riemerschmid, Bernhard Pankok 
and Bruno Paul as well as Behrens and Eckmann (for example, figs. 7, 8, cat. 
nos. 18-29). Obrist exemplified the ideal Morrisean artist-craftsman. Bril- 
liant, highly educated, widely traveled, he had brought the new style with 
him to Munich in 1894. Filled with the energy of the zealous reformer and 
overflowing with ideas and talent, he soon acted to present his message to 
the public in lectures, publications and exhibitions, in the foundation of the 
aforementioned Vereinigten Werkstdtten fiir Kunst im Handwerk and, some- 
what later, in an extremely influential school. The environmental revolution 


fig. 8 

August Endell 

Tapestry with Arrow Design, ca. 1897 

Executed by Ninni Gulbranson. Exhibited 

at Glaspalast, Munich, 1897 

4. Cf. Weiss, pp. 13-34 an d passim, in 
which the influence of the psycholo- 
gist Theodor Lipps on Obrist, Endell 
and other artists in Kandinsky's circle 
is noted. The enormous influence of 
Lipps, who lectured at the University 
in Munich from 1894 to 1913, should 
be the subject of more detailed study 
in the future. 

5. Endell's letters to his cousin Kurt Brey- 
sig (now in the Handschriftenabteilung 
of the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer 
Kulturbesitz, Berlin) reveal not only 
his indebtedness to Lipps, but the fact 
that his ideas on the possibility of a 
totally abstract art which is not derived 
from nature were, already by 1897, 
even more radically advanced than 
those of Obrist: "Pure form-art is my 

he envisioned would be based on radically new concepts in art which involved 
the application of psychological theories of perception to the problems of 
design. He went far beyond Morris in terms of inventing a visual vocabulary 
capable of moving into the twentieth century.' Even today, in their radical 
abstraction, Obrist's drawings (cat. nos. 58-67) convey an eerie sense of his 
visionary power. Perhaps no other artist of his generation moved closer to 
abstraction before the turn of the century. Obrist's conscious exploitation of 
abstract form, line and color for expressive purposes was to have a signifi- 
cant and direct effect on Kandinsky who, within a short time, was to become 
his close friend and admirer. 

Within months of Kandinsky's arrival in Munich, Obrist's young disciple 
Endell published in the pages of Dekorative Kunst his stunning prophecy of 
a "totally new art," an art "with forms that mean nothing and represent 
nothing and recall nothing," yet which will excite the human spirit as only 
music had previously been able to do. Shortly thereafter he elaborated on 
his prophecy, naming the new art "Formkitnst," or "form-art," and stating 
that the time was soon approaching when monuments erected on public 
plazas would represent neither men nor animals, but rather "fantasy forms" 
to delight and intoxicate the human heart.' 5 Undoubtedly Endell's words had 
been inspired by Obrist's latest work, the two astonishing abstract plaster 
models for monuments standing ready in his studio by that time, vainly await- 
ing public commissions: the Arch Pillar, of which only a photograph survives 
today, and Motion Study, both about 1895 (cat. nos. 68, 70). 

Kandinsky's encounter with the idea of an art form which would "move 
the human spirit" without reference to "anything known," but only by means 
of a manipulation of its fundamental elements (line, color, form), came at a 
crucial and formative time in his life. Even before leaving Russia, however, 
he had become aware of the incredible power of pure color in the discovery 
of a painting of a haystack by Monet (fig. 9) at an exhibition in Moscow. 
As Kandinsky was later to recall in his memoir, he had at first not recognized 
the subject of the painting. He felt embarrassed, even irritated by such delib- 
erate obfuscation. But, when the painting persisted in his consciousness, he 


fig- 9 

Claude Monet 

Haystack in the Sun. 1891 

Oil on canvas 

Collection Kunsthaus Zurich 


.^)i«.\>< vJ.lV-1,11 

goal. Away with every association." 
See also the essay by Tilmann Budden- 
sieg, "Zur Friihzeit von August Endell 
—seine Miinchener Briefe an Kurt 
Breysig," Festschrift fiir Editard Trier, 
Berlin, Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1981. 

6. Wassily Kandinsky, "Riickblicke," 
Kandinsky, 1901-1913, Berlin, Der 
Sturm, 1913, p. IX. Henceforth, refer- 
ences to this work will be noted by 
page number directly in the text. 

7. Kandinsky, Letter to Gabriele Munter, 
25.5.04, typescript by Johannes Eich- 
ner in the collection of Kenneth C. 
Lindsay, Binghamton, New York. 
Henceforth the Kandinsky-Miinter 
correspondence in the Lindsay collec- 
tion will be referred to as Lindsay 
K/M letters, followed by their dates. 

suddenly realized the "hidden power of the palette," and in that moment, at 
a subconscious level, it was borne in on him that "the object as an inevitable 
element of a picture" had been "discredited." 6 

As Kandinsky now subjected himself for the first time to the discipline of 
learning the fundamentals of painting, this awareness of new possibilities in 
artistic expression was reinforced by his encounters with prophecies of ab- 
straction in Munich Jugendstil. Soon he was assembling notes on a new 
"Farbenspracbe" ("color-language"), and in letters to his friend Gabriele 
Munter would before long refer to his own paintings as "color-composi- 
tions." By the spring of 1904 he was ready to state that he had come far with 
his "color- language," and that ". . . the way lies quite clear before me. With- 
out exaggerating, I can maintain that if I solve this problem, I will show 
painting a new, beautiful way capable of infinite development. I have a new 
route, which various masters have only guessed at here and there, and which 
will be recognized sooner or later ... I already had a premonition of this 
whole story long ago. . . ." 7 

The idea of an aesthetically determined environment was also to remain 
a determining force in Kandinsky's life, leading eventually to his association 
with the Bauhaus, which indeed can be seen as the twentieth-century culmi- 
nation of the concepts of William Morris. From his encounter with Jugendstil 
principles of interior design, which he acknowledged in several of the exhibi- 
tions he organized in Munich, to his own designs for applied arts and the 
decoration of furniture for his house in Murnau, and ultimately to the wall 
panels he painted for the Campbell foyer in 1914, he demonstrated the sig- 
nificance he attached to the value of the Gesamtkunstwerk ideal. This ideal 
informed as well Kandinsky's concept of a synthesis of all the arts in theater. 
As he had come from Moscow already aware of the potential of abstraction, 
so too the dream of an environment integrated by art was one Kandinsky had 
brought with him from Russia, and for which he found confirmation in Mu- 
nich's Jugendstil movement. In "Riickblicke" he described his excitement 
when, during an anthropological expedition to the remote Vologda region 
of Russia, he stepped into the "magic" houses of the peasants and felt himself 


8. Daniel Wildenstein, Claude Monet: 
Biographie et catalogue raisonne, 
Tome III: 1887-1898 Peintures, 
Lausanne-Paris, La Bibliotheque des 
Arts, T979, no. 1288, Mettle au Soleil. 
John Bowlt suggests that Kandinsky 
may have seen a Monet painting in 
Moscow in 1891, citing a report writ- 
ten in 193 1 by the poet Belyi (John E. 
Bowlt and Rose-Carol Washton Long, 
The Life of Vasilii Kandinsky in Rus- 
sian Art: A Study of "On the Spiritual 
in Art," Newtonville, Massachusetts, 
Oriental Research Partners, 1980, p. 
36, n. z8). However, no catalogue evi- 
dence is cited to support this report. 

9. Kandinsky, untitled introduction to 
catalogue Kandinsky Kollektiv- 
Aitsstellung 1902-1912, Munich, Ver- 
lag "Neue Kunst" Hans Goltz, 1912, 
pp. 1-2. 

surrounded on all sides by the brightly decorated furniture, votive pictures 
and candles. "It taught me," he wrote, "to move in the painting, to live in the 
picture." He compared the force of this experience to the impact of the great 
cathedrals of the Kremlin and of the Rococo Catholic churches of Bavaria 
and Tyrol (p. xiv). By the turn of the century he was already deeply involved 
in the applied-arts movement, forming professional associations with Obrist 
and Behrens, and joining Munich's Vereinigung fiir atigewandte Kunst (Soci- 
ety for Applied Arts). 

At the age of thirty Kandinsky came late to the discipline of art. He had 
already successfully terminated a university education in law and economics, 
passing his examinations in 1892. He had, he recalled in "Riickblicke," con- 
sciously subordinated his inner wishes to the strictures of society, accepting 
the responsibility he felt imposed upon him to become a self-supporting mem- 
ber of the family and of society (p. vm). Yet, clearly, he had always been 
attracted to art, and as a child had shown unusual talent. Now, in 1896, 
although married and at the threshold of a promising career with the offer 
of a teaching position at the University of Dorpat, events conspired to change 
his life once and for all. By his own account, he had worked the previous year 
as a director in a prominent Moscow art-printing firm. Although his ostens- 
ible purpose had been to put his economic theories to practical test as a 
worker, the actual result was to confirm his yearning to become an artist 
himself. The overwhelming experience of the Monet haystack painting may 
also have had its catalytic effect at about this time, for the only Monet hay- 
stack documented as having been exhibited in Moscow during this period 
was included in an exhibition of French art which toured to St. Petersburg 
and Moscow in 1896 and 1897. 8 It is tempting, although pure speculation, 
to wonder whether the premiere of Chekhov's The Sea Gull at St. Petersburg 
in October of 1896 may also have influenced Kandinsky's momentous deci- 
sion. Certainly its depiction of tragically stifled artistic creativity would have 
provided another catalyst had one been needed. In any case, as Kandinsky 
later recalled, at the age of thirty the compelling thought "overtook" him: 
"now or never." 9 

In looking back to his years as a student, Kandinsky particularly noted 
the encouragement and freedom offered by his two teachers, Anton Azbe and 
Franz von Stuck. At the same time he remembered the inner turmoil and con- 
flict which accompanied those years of apprenticeship. Azbe and Stuck rep- 
resented the dualism inherent in the art of the turn of the century. Azbe, 
despite his bohemian demeanor and liberal pedagogical approach, exempli- 
fied the traditions of naturalism that had evolved by then into an Impression- 
ist apprehension of reality. Stuck, paradoxically, a master of the otherwise 
conservative Munich Academy, was actually much closer to Jugendstil. He 
represented that peculiarly Germanic hybrid of "naturalistic Symbolism" or 
"Symbolist naturalism" of which both Bocklin and Klinger were superior ex- 
ponents. This dualism, encompassing the poles of naturalistic Impressionism 
and a lyric Symbolism, was to be reflected in Kandinsky's own development. 
It was a source of deep inner conflict and, at the same time, helped to spur 
his progression toward abstraction. 


fig. IO 

Studio of Anton A'zbe. ca. 1890 
Courtesy Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana 

10.. Kandinsky, "Betrachtungen iiber die 
abstrakte Kunst," in Essays iiber Knnst 
nnd Kiinstler, ed. Max Bill, Bern, 
Benteli-Verlag, 1963, p. 150. Kandinsky 
also enrolled twice in Academy courses 
on anatomy with Professor Molliet; 
he later claimed that the teaching was 
of poor quality. See also Johannes 
Eichner, Kandinsky und Cabriele 
Mtinter, von Urspriingen moderner 
Kunst, Munich, Verlag Bruckmann, 
1957, p. 58. 

Class in the Anton Azbe School, ca. 


Azbe center, with top hat and cigar, hand 

on shoulder of Richard Jacopic; Igor 

Grabar top row, second from right 

Courtesy Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana 

Azbe, although not associated with the Academy, was highly respected 
for his virtuoso technique and beloved as a teacher. Tiny in physical stature, 
yet he was already in the nineties a monumental legendary figure within 
Munich's bohemian quarter, Schwabing. Stuck, on the other hand, a frequent 
gold medal winner at the annual Glaspalast exhibitions and a founding mem- 
ber of the Munich Secession, was already professor at the Academy by 1895, 
at the age of thirty-two. In contrast to the almost comical Azbe, Stuck was a 
fine figure of a man (as he made sure to dramatize in his numerous self- 
portraits, for example, cat. no. 86), and he had assured himself social posi- 
tion to match his artistic stature by marrying a wealthy American widow 
and building himself a palatial villa on a commanding site above the banks 
of the Isar River. While Azbe died at the age of forty-five, worn out by the 
conflicting demands of his talent and the restrictions of his existence as an 
outsider, as well as by his addiction to alcohol, Stuck outlived his own fame, 
still honored in the 1920s, but by a somewhat bemused public uncertain as 
to why he had once been so sought after and admired. 

From Azbe, Kandinsky learned the basics of anatomical drawing and 
easel painting; yet his most distinct memory of Azbe's pedagogy was: "you 
must learn anatomy, but before the easel, you must forget it." 10 Typically, 
Kandinsky subjected himself to this discipline with a patient determination, 
even though he found the crowded atelier and the insensitivity he felt 
amongst the younger students irksome (figs. 10, 1 1). In his early wash studies 
from the nude (cat. nos. 76-78), we can observe what he called the "play 


fig. 12 

Franz von Stuck 

Sketches for Furniture for the Stuck Villa. 
ca. 1898 

Pencil, pen and tusche on yellowish paper 
Private Collection 

of lines" which fascinated him more than the scrupulous imitation of nature 
(p. xx). As was often to be the case in Kandinsky's career, his progress was 
a process of encounter and transformation. In conflict with what he termed 
the stifling air of the atelier, Kandinsky often skipped school, escaping in- 
stead to the English Garden or the rural environs of Munich to make his first 
oil studies from nature, using the palette knife recommended by (cat. 
nos. 80, 81). In these studies he could experiment with the color theories 
taught by Azbe, who encouraged his students to employ the divisionist tech- 
nique developed by the Impressionists, whereby pure colors influence each 
other on the canvas. Azbe himself practiced a modified Impressionism, but 
his works display as well a sensitivity to Symbolist form and color. The tech- 
nical virtuosity that made him a minor master on the Munich scene is appar- 
ent in paintings such as Self -Portrait, 1886, Half-Nude Woman, 1888, and 
Portrait of a Negress, 1895 (cat. nos. 73-75). 

Kandinsky observed in "Riickblicke" that in Munich in the nineties, 
Stuck was considered Germany's "first draftsman" (p. xxn). Therefore, as 
the next step in his self-imposed program of art education, after two years 
of study with Azbe, Kandinsky conscientiously presented himself to Stuck. 
As he ruefully acknowledged in his memoir, Stuck turned him away with 
the suggestion that he spend a year in a drawing class at the Academy. How- 
ever, he failed the Academy's entrance exam. Despite what to a sensitive 
though determined spirit must have seemed a bitter blow, Kandinsky resolved 
to work out his problems alone. On his next application to Stuck, this time 
with examples of sketches for paintings and a few landscape studies, he was 
accepted with the compliment that his drawing had become "expressive." 
But the master objected strenuously to what he called Kandinsky's "extrava- 
gances" with color, and admonished him to work for a time in black and 
white; this advice may well have caused Kandinsky to begin his nearly obses- 
sive study of positive and negative space, resulting eventually in his first color 
drawings on black ground and his first woodcuts. 

Kandinsky was struck by two characteristic attitudes of Stuck, which he 
found extremely beneficial. One was what he perceived as Stuck's instinctive 
sensitivity to form and the "flowing into one another" of forms; the other was 
a deep feeling of responsibility and obligation to the artistic muse which he 
communicated to his students. According to Kandinsky, Stuck cured him of 
a helpless sense of insecurity and enabled him for the first time to bring a 
compositional concept to a satisfying conclusion (p. xxn). Stuck's commit- 
ment to the ideal of the aesthetically determined environment was also of 
significance for Kandinsky. His own villa (cat. no. 88), constructed during 
Kandinsky's first years in Munich, was a remarkable example of the Gesamt- 
kitnstwerk. Stuck had taken immense delight in designing every element of 
the house, from its basic architectural plan to the murals, prize-winning fur- 
niture, silverware, lighting and other details (fig. 12). Many of his pictures 
were as much objects of applied art as they were paintings. His famous and 
extremely popular portrait of Sin (fig. 13) was adorned with a specially 
designed architectural frame, and eventually became the centerpiece of an 
altar in the artist's atelier. 


fig- 13 

Franz von Stuck 

Sin. ca. 1893 

Oil on canvas 

Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, 


Stuck's eclecticism and freedom, indeed the very ambiguity at the root 
of his art, contributed to his popularity amongst students and public alike. 
While Kandinsky was a member of Stuck's atelier, Paul Klee, Ernst Stern, 
Alexander von Salzmann, Albert Weisgerber and Hans Purrmann were also 
students there. (Klee depicted a student approaching the famous Stuck villa 
in a humorously disrespectful drawing [fig. 14]). Eugen Kahler, who was later 
to become associated with Kandinsky, and Hermann Haller, a friend of Klee, 
studied with Stuck just after the turn of the century. Although the limitations 
of Stuck's turgid personal style were clear to Kandinsky, many of his teacher's 
striking images, Jugendstil transformations of traditional symbols, were to 
make a lasting impression upon him. Not only the guardian of paradise, but 
also the serpent-symbol of evil, the mysterious horseman and the Grecian 
warrior who symbolized the avant-garde were to figure in Kandinsky's own 
work (cat. nos. 8z, 83, 93, 94). 

After a year at Stuck's atelier, however, Kandinsky realized that the time 
had come to liberate himself from apprenticeship. By the late fall of 1900 
Kandinsky was approaching his thirty-fourth birthday. Once again he must 
have felt a sense of urgency; time was passing and he recognized that his 
dream was still far away. Courageously now he struck out on his own. 

ng. 14 

Paul Klee 

Drawing of the Stuck Villa, Munich, from 
letter dated April 20, 1900 
India ink on paper 
Collection Felix Klee, Bern 


II Phalanx: Encounter with Avant-Garde 

ii. Another Kandinsky associate, Gustav 
Freytag, later recalled that it was 
Hecker who introduced him to Kan- 
dinsky sometime during the winter of 
1900—01; therefore, Kandinsky obvi- 
ously knew Hecker prior to that. See 
"Erinnerungen von Gustav Freytag" 
in Hans Konrad Rothel, Kandinsky: 
Das graphiscbe Werk, Cologne, Du- 
Mont Schauberg, 1970, p. 419. 

12. Ernest Stern, My Life, My Stage, Lon- 
don, Victor Golljncz Ltd., 195 1, p. z8. 

Kandinsky was not without friends during those early years of struggle. In 
addition to the Russians he had met at Azbe's studio (Marianne von Werefkin 
and Alexej Jawlensky), he also knew Ernst Stern, Stuck's atelier assistant, 
who shared an apartment with another of Kandinsky's Russian friends, Alex- 
ander von Salzmann. Perhaps through Stern he had already met Waldemar 
Hecker, the puppeteer, and Wilhelm Hiisgen, the sculptor, with whom Hecker 
shared a studio." At about the time Kandinsky left Stuck's studio, Hecker, 
Hiisgen and Stern were participating in the organization of what was to be- 
come Germany's most famous literary and artistic cabaret, the Elf Schar- 
frichter {Eleven Executioners). During the same period they also became 
involved with Kandinsky in plans to organize a new artists' society, one 
which would provide exhibition opportunities not available to younger artists 
or to those outsiders not acceptable to the Kunstlerverein or the Secession. 
The group was to be called the Phalanx, symbolizing the avant-garde ideals 
it shared with the Elf Scbarfricbter, whose own name was intended, as Stern 
aptly explained, "to suggest that judgement was sharp and execution sum- 
mary in the battle against reaction and obscurantism." 12 

The first performance of the Elf Scbarfricbter took place in April of 1901, 
and by the end of May arrangements had been made to announce the found- 
ing of the Phalanx society. In August the first Phalanx exhibition opened with 
works by Kandinsky, von Salzmann and three participants in the Elf Scbar- 
fricbter: Hecker, Hiisgen and Stern. Kandinsky had designed the poster which 
announced the exhibition, adapting the Jugendstil imagery and style of 
Stuck's famous poster for the Munich Secession to produce a work of de- 
cidedly more refinement and subtlety (cat. nos. 93, 94). 

The conjunction of the founding of the Phalanx with the beginnings of 
the Elf Scbarfricbter and the personal ties among the participants in the two 
enterprises are significant. They indicate that from the very outset of his pub- 
lic career Kandinsky not only stood with the avant-garde, but that he was 
deeply conscious of the social responsibility of art, and much interested in 
the lyric and performing arts as vehicles for expression of that high obliga- 
tion. He was never to shirk encounter and conflict, recognizing in them the 
potential for social reform and transformation. 

The avant-garde quality of the first Phalanx exhibition was instantly 
attacked by a local reviewer in the pages of Kanst fiir Alle: "The whole [exhi- 
bition] stands much too much under the sign of caricature and the hyper- 
modern." Indeed, in consideration of the radical combination of the genres 
represented, even today we are struck with the daring of the conception. 
Included were masks by Hiisgen and marionettes by Hecker for the Elf 
Scbarfricbter, graphics by the first Phalanx president, Rolf Niczky, decora- 
tive work by von Salzmann and Stern (cat. nos. 99, 96a-g, 98, 100), both of 
whom were to become distinguished theater designers. Unidentified works 
by Kandinsky and paintings by artists who had exhibited previously with 
the Secession and the splinter group known as the Lnitpoldgriippe were 
also shown. 


13. See the excellent discussion of this de- 
velopment by Peter Jelavich, "Die Elf 
Scharfrichter: The Political and Socio- 
cultural Dimensions of Cabaret in 
Wilhelmine Germany," The Turn of 
the Century: German Literature and 
Art 1890-1914, eds. Gerald Chappie 
and Hans Schulte, Bonn, 1980; also 
see Jelavich, Theater in Munich 1890- 
192.4: A Study of the Social Origins of 
Modernist Culture, Ph.D. dissertation, 
Princeton University, 1981. 

14. Stern, p. 27. 

The inclusion of the Elf Scharfrichter material in the first Phalanx exhi- 
bition is another indication of the liberal nature of Kandinsky's intellectual 
character and of his abiding belief in the possibility of social reform through 
art. As Peter Jelavich has pointed out, the intellectuals' espousal at this time 
of the cabaret medium as an appropriate, indeed preferred, form and forum 
for the expression of ideas was to have significant ramifications for twentieth- 
century culture. The appearance of the political cabaret in Germany was the 
direct result of the Lex Heinze, a repressive censorship bill that had been 
introduced in the Prussian legislature in 1900. The furious debate it engen- 
dered precipitated the founding of Ernst von Wolzogen's Uberbrettl cabaret 
and Max Reinhardt's Schall nnd Ranch in Berlin and the Elf Scharfrichter in 
Munich, all within weeks of each other. 13 It is interesting to note, as Jelavich 
has also remarked, that this concern with the variete form paralleled the 
movement in the visual arts to integrate artistic expression with life. At the 
turn of the century, the writer Julius Otto Bierbaum had already identified 
the cabaret with the Arts and Crafts Movement, calling for an "angewandte 
Lyrik," an "applied lyric." 

The leading members of the Elf Scharfrichter were Marc Henry, a French- 
man concerned with promoting the cause of international cultural exchange 
and friendship, and Marya Delvard, whose exotic beauty was captured by 
the Simplicissimus caricaturist Thomas Theodor Heine in his famous poster 
for the Elf Scharfrichter (cat. no. 95). A decade later her features were to be 
memorialized in The Green Dress, 1913 (cat. no. 97), a painting by the Amer- 
ican artist Albert Bloch, whose works were included in Kandinsky's Blaite 
Reiter (Blue Rider) exhibitions. One of the most famous members of the Elf 
Scharfrichter was the Munich dramatist Frank Wedekind. Hiisgen fashioned 
masks for all of the Elf Scharfrichter, including one for Wedekind which was 
shown in the second Phalanx exhibition the following winter (cat. no. 99). 
At about the same time, Phalanx president Niczky designed a poster to ad- 
vertise the Lyrisches Theater (cat. no. 98), which had been founded by an 
early member of the Elf Scharfrichter. 

Stern's contribution to the Elf Scharfrichter must have been of acute in- 
terest to Kandinsky. According to Stern's own memoir, he was hired by the 
cabaret to do what he called "rhythmical drawing." He recalled: "I was pro- 
vided with charcoal and a huge sheet of paper six foot by four, and as the 
music played so I sketched whatever the music suggested to me. Not only 
that, but my lines moved in time with the music: to a waltz they moved grace- 
fully; to a polka they moved jerkily; to a march they went smartly, and so on. 
As soon as one sketch was completed the sheet was torn away and another 
one was ready beneath it for the next attempt." 1 ' Kandinsky, who was al- 
ready deeply concerned with the idea of placing the effects of synaesthesia at 
the service of the new way he foresaw in art, must have been greatly im- 
pressed by this cabaret act. He would eventually devote a whole chapter to 
"color-language" in his treatise Uber das Geistige in der Knnst (Concerning 
the Spiritual in Art), discussing at length the relationships between colors and 
musical instruments, rhythms and tones. He subsequently noted in "Riick- 
blicke" how music had always called forth colorful visual imagery in his 


15- Translated in Lindsay and Vergo. It is 
important to remember that, although 
Kandinsky's Munich experience is em- 
phasized here, he always maintained 
close ties with Russia, through visits, 
exhibitions and publications. (Com- 
pare Eichner, Lindsay, Bowlt and 
Washton Long, and Donald E. Gordon, 
Modern Art Exhibitions i<)oo-i<)i6, 
Munich, Prestel Verlag, 1974.) 

mind. Later in Russia he would develop an experimental workshop devoted 
to the study of synaesthesia and the psychology of perception. 

During those same months in which he took part in the establishment of 
the Phalanx, Kandinsky had been at work on his first art review for publica- 
tion. This review appeared in the Russian periodical Novosti dnia on April 
17, 1901.° In the first year of the new century, then, his own thirty-fifth year, 
Kandinsky had clearly made the conscious decision to take an active role in 
public life. His activity at this time was manifestly representative of a behav- 
ior pattern that was always to distinguish his career: painting and publica- 
tion, art and activism were to proceed hand in hand. 

Over the next three and a half years a dozen exhibitions under the aegis 
of the Phalanx took place, and soon after the group was formed, a school of 
the same name was founded (here Kandinsky taught painting and Hecker 
and Hiisgen taught sculpture). A review of the participants in these exhibi- 
tions reveals not only the avant-garde attitude of the leader of the Phalanx, 
but also the two artistic strains which were in conflict in his mind and work 
during this period: naturalistic Impressionism and lyric Symbolism (Jugend- 
stil). Kandinsky would search for a rapprochement between these two 
tendencies for the next several years. Both directions were represented in 
exhibitions of the Phalanx but, more often than not, the lyric Symbolist or 
Jugendstil works outnumbered the others. This preponderance was mirrored 
in Kandinsky's own work, as he exhibited more and more of his decorative 
designs and woodcuts, becoming ever more preoccupied with this form. 

If integration of everyday life and dramatic expression in the form of the 
cabaret was the major subject of the first Phalanx exhibition, the idea of 
transforming life itself into the ideal Gesamtkttnstiverk was the theme of the 
second. This extraordinarily large exhibition (it included 131 works) was 
almost entirely devoted to the Jugendstil Arts and Crafts Movement, with ad- 
ditional works by one of Germany's leading Symbolist painters, Ludwig von 
Hoffman. On the occasion of this exhibition, Kandinsky, now president of 
Phalanx, associated himself once again with an avant-garde event. This was 
the opening, in the summer of 1901, of the Darmstadt Kihistlerkolonie (Art- 
ists' Colony), the most important Jugendstil exhibition of its time. Within 
months of the opening, Kandinsky had invited its major artists to exhibit 
examples of their applied arts with Phalanx. Furthermore, he included crafts 
by members of the Vereinigten Werkstatten fiir Kitnst im Handwerk and by 
a number of independent craftsmen, such as Emmy von Egidy, an Obrist 
student (cat. nos. 128, 129). Kandinsky himself exhibited four decorative de- 
signs, including Twilight, 1901 (cat. no. 184), significantly, one of his first 
fully developed crusader-horseman images. 

The direct relationship between the possibilities of abstraction in paint- 
ing and the exploitation of abstract ornament in Jugendstil was especially 
evident in the work of two of the most productive and significant artists of 
the Kihistlerkolonie, Peter Behrens and Hans Christiansen. Behrens, a found- 
ing member of the Munich Secession, had by 1900 given up painting to de- 
vote himself entirely to architecture and the applied arts. His woodcuts of 
the 1890s, such as The Kiss (cat. no. 126), had already indicated his facility 


fig- 15 

Hans Christiansen 

Landscape with Trees. 1899 

Stained-glass window 

Collection Hessisches Landesmuseum, 


with decorative design. But in the monumental banners Behrens devised for 
the home he designed for himself at the Kiinstlerkolonie (cat. no. ioa-b) this 
abstract lyric mode, significantly expressed in paint on canvas, implied far 
more serious intentions. 

In the case of Christiansen, an ambiguity of artistic intention persisted 
in his lifelong loyalty to both applied arts and painting; this ambiguity is per- 
haps most poignantly conveyed in his beautiful designs for stained-glass 
windows (fig. 15). In fact, the saturated color and opportunities for formal 
abstraction offered by the stained-glass medium were irresistible to many 
artists of Christiansen's generation. To what degree the example of stained 
glass influenced Kandinsky's development perhaps cannot be accurately as- 
sessed at present, but even at that time critics compared the color effects of 
his woodcuts to those of stained glass. (The implications of stained glass for 
the development of abstract art in general require further study, but are 
clearly evident, for example, in the work of Adolf Holzel, who eventually 
devoted himself entirely to that medium in his search for what he called an 
"absolute" painting.) 

In the second Phalanx exhibition, Christiansen showed ten tapestries, 
thirteen ceramic vases, three large carpets, six embroidered cushions and a 
number of table linens and curtains (cat. nos. 138, 111, 114, 116). The vases, 
especially the so-called Prunkvase, or presentation vase, perhaps affected 
Kandinsky most immediately. Its design of circles and wavy lines evidently 
made an indelible impression on Kandinsky, whose sketchbooks of this pe- 
riod contain drawings of the same motif and even a vase of the same shape 
(cat. nos. 113, 118). Eventually circles and wavy lines were to become sym- 


fig- 16 

Vasily Kandinsky 
Several Circles. 192.6 
Oil on canvas 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 

bols imbued with poetic significance in Kandinsky's work of the Bauhaus 
period. Several Circles, 1926 (fig. 16), in the Guggenheim Museum collection, 
is an important example of his development of this motif. 

Clearly, at this point in his career Kandinsky was enormously interested 
in the potential of the Arts and Crafts Movement. His notebooks are full of 
designs for applique, jewelry, ceramics and furniture (cat. nos. 118, 148, 113, 
no). In addition to the four drawings he showed at the Phalanx and specifi- 
cally designated as "decorative sketches" in the catalogue, he exhibited his 
painting Bright Air, 1902, which, in its studied formal relationships and styli- 
zation, may be characterized as a thoroughly Jugendstil work. Kandinsky 
also produced designs for embroidery and for clothing at this time (cat. nos. 
157, 159). The dresses he designed for Miinter (cat. nos. I45~i47a-b) indicate 
not only sensitivity but also mastery of the Jugendstil vocabulary. Designs for 
locks and keys appear in the notebooks as well (cat. no. 149), and these reveal 
the typical Jugendstil exploitation of the abstract-expressive forms of nature 
for ornamental purposes. They may be compared with similar designs by 
Endell for the Hofatelier Elvira (fig. 17). 

By 1904 Kandinsky's letters to Miinter often allude to his enthusiastic 
involvement with decorative design. In February of that year he wrote: "Sud- 
denly I am again in tune, in a mood in which I see a thousand thoughts, plans, 
compositions, color combinations, linear movements before me. . . ." In July 
he described a woodcut he had done and from which he had made a drawing 
and then a painting (the sequence is significant): "But I do like the Russian 
city with many figures. And [I've made] a similar drawing and then painted 
it in oil decoratively." A few days later he noted: "Suddenly I [have] in my 


fig- 17 

August Endell 

Designs for Locks and Keys, Probably for 
Hofatelier Elvira, ca. 1895-96 

16. Lindsay K/M letters: 23.2.04, 1.7.04 
and 13.7.04. 

17. Cf. Kristian Bathe, Wer wohnte wo in 
Schwabing}, Munich, Siiddeutscher 
Verlag, 1965. The flyer advertising the 
Phalanx school gives its address as 
Hohenzollernstr. 6. Documentation on 
Obrist gives the address of the Obrist- 
Debschitz school as Hohenzollernstr. 
7a. At present writing it is unclear 
whether the two occupied the same 
building, as Bathe suggests. An inter- 
esting pendent to this is a letter from 
Obrist which is partially reproduced in 
Sylvie Lampe-von Bennigsen, Hermann 
Obrist Erinnerungen, Munich, Verlag 
Herbert Post Presse, 1970, giving 
Obrist's address as Finkenstrasse 3b; 
the first exhibition rooms of the 
Phalanx society were also in Finken- 

head pictures, decorative paintings, embroideries, whole rooms and I'm 
thinking again in color. Will it last long?" 16 He had joined the Vereinigung 
fi'tr angewandte Kitnst, attended its meetings, and wrote that he was working 
"like crazy" to prepare drawings for the society's exhibition. As the summer 
of 1904 progressed, his tempo of work increased and he made woodcuts for 
the new publishing firm established by Reinhard Piper and for exhibitions in 
Germany, France and Russia. In August he wrote to Munter an impassioned 
defense of his preoccupation with the craft of the woodcut (see p. 83). The 
woodcut provided an outlet for his inner need to cut through to the essence 
of things, and satisfied the yearning to reduce forms to abstractions while at 
the same time conveying symbolic meaning. 

Undoubtedly, it was in the propensity of Jugendstil craft design for ab- 
straction that Kandinsky found its greatest attraction. His close contact at 
this time with Obrist, the leader of the Munich Jugendstil movement, has al- 
ready been noted. Indeed, in his letters to Munter between 1902 and 1904 
Kandinsky often mentioned his discussions with this man whom many called 
a seer. Clearly Obrist was then feeling his way towards a new art form. Fur- 
thermore, the work of Obrist's students also displayed an astonishingly pro- 
phetic tendency to abstraction. Paintings by his pupils Hans Schmithals and 
B. Tolken reproduced in the March 1904 issue of Dekorative Kunst are 
particularly remarkable. Schmithals executed a series of paintings during this 
period (cat. nos. 53—56) which offer striking proof that tendencies to abstrac- 
tion were not only evident in Munich by this time, but that they were produc- 
ing results within Kandinsky's direct circle of acquaintances. 

In fact, Kandinsky's Phalanx school was situated in the immediate vicin- 
ity of Obrist's newly founded arts and crafts school, known as the Obrist- 
Debschitz School. Munter, one of Kandinsky's students and soon to become 
his closest friend and companion, lived in the building occupied by Obrist's 
school, and Obrist attended meetings of the Phalanx society. Doubtless it 
was Obrist who arranged for the generous representation of Munich's Ve- 
reinigten Werkstatten in the second Phalanx exhibition. 17 


i8. See also Dominik Bartmann, August 
Macke Kunsthandwerk, foreword by 
Leopold Reidemeister, Berlin, Gebr. 
Mann Verlag, 1979. 

19. Cf. Klaus Lankheit, Franz Marc: {Cata- 
log der Werke, Cologne, Verlag M. 
DuMont Schauberg, 1970; Orpheus 
with the Animals, no. 884, was prob- 
ably painted by Marc's friend Annette 
von Eckhardt or Michael Pfeiffer after 
Marc's design. On Marc's designs for 
applied arts, see also Rosel Gollek, 
Franz Marc 18S0-1916, exh. cat., Mu- 
nich, Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 
haus, 1980, p. 18 and passim. See also 
Lankheit, ed., Franz Marc Schriften, 
Cologne, DuMont Buchverlag, 1978, 
pp. 126-128. 

20. Cf. Weiss, p. 123, and Lindsay K/M 
letters, 27.8.03. 

21. Cf. "Weiss, Chapter VI, which includes 
a more detailed analysis of the docu- 
mented Phalanx exhibitions. The 
eighth exhibition included a portfolio 
of prints by Impressionist, Neo-Impres- 
sionist and Symbolist artists, ibid., 

p. 69. Neo-Impressionist works were 
also included in the tenth exhibition, 
but records of the exact titles or media 
have not yet come to light. 

Many of Kandinsky's later associates of the Blaue Reiter years also de- 
voted their energies to applied-arts designs at various times in their careers. 
August Macke designed for a variety of media, eventually producing interior 
decorations, among them murals and furniture for the Worringer Tee-Salon 
in Cologne (cat. no. 162). Some of his exquisite craft designs (cat. nos. 150, 
163, 164) are included in this exhibition. 18 Paul Klee, too, at least once tried 
his hand at applied art, executing a group of designs for endpapers (cat. no. 
171). That Franz Marc shared the widespread hope for social regeneration 
through the applied-arts movement is documented in his work and also in 
his correspondence and other writings. Among his craft designs is a pamphlet 
of patterns for a home weaving-loom (cat. no. 355). Both his original design 
for a tapestry of Orpheus with the Animals and the tapestry itself have been 
lost, but a cartoon which was probably carried out by another hand is ex- 
tant (cat. no. 172). Marc also designed ex libris, posters (cat. nos. 173-177, 
289) and embroideries, including one executed by Ada Campendonck (cat. 
no. 40). 19 

Despite his growing interest in decorative design, Kandinsky dutifully 
pursued the discipline of traditional landscape painting during this period. 
In the summers of 1902 and 1903 he took his Phalanx students into the coun- 
tryside where they could paint from nature in a setting remote from the dis- 
tractions of the city. We see him seated stiffly on the grass in a portrait 
painted by Miinter at Kallmiinz in the summer of 1903 (cat. no. 193). And 
Kandinsky painted Miinter the same summer standing before her easel in 
the shade of the trees (cat. no. 194). Like this portrait, most of his plein-air oil 
studies remained small in format, and we know that Kandinsky spent a good 
deal of time in Kallmiinz experimenting with woodcuts, decorative designs 
and pottery. 20 While the oil studies exhibit a certain freedom of paint appli- 
cation (with palette knife), and often display a sensitive orchestration of 
color, they clearly lack the lyric conviction of his woodcuts of the same 
period (cat. nos. 215, 219). The most successful of Kandinsky's early out- 
door studies, the small Beach Baskets in Holland (cat. no. 196), were exe- 
cuted a year later during an excursion with Miinter to Holland. Here dabs of 
color were applied in a free pointillist manner, leaving large areas of un- 
touched canvas. But this was an isolated experiment. The dabs of colors 
closed up again to create the jewel-like mosaic surface, quite different from 
Impressionist pointillism, of such other-directed paintings as Sunday, Old 
Russian, 1904, and Riding Couple, 1907 (cat. nos. 195, 258). 

The work of established Impressionist artists was presented in only two 
documented Phalanx exhibitions. These were the third Phalanx exhibition 
in the early summer of 1902, which featured Lovis Corinth and Wilhelm 
Triibner, and the seventh, held almost exactly a year later, which brought a 
group of sixteen paintings by Claude Monet to Munich. 21 Both Corinth and 
Triibner represented the continuation and development of German natural- 
ism. Corinth had studied in Paris, where he was directly exposed to French 
Impressionism, while Triibner was inspired by the Courbet-influenced style 
of the Munich artist Wilhelm Leibl, with whom he was associated for a while. 
Both had been founding members of the Munich Secession, but by the time 
their work was shown at Phalanx, Corinth was in Berlin (where he had be- 


fig. 18 

Akseli Gallen-Kallela 

Symposium. 1894 
Oil on canvas 

Depicts the artist, far left, with musicians 
Robert Kajanus and Jean Sibelius. Exhib- 
ited at Phalanx IV 
Collection Gallen-Kallela Family 

22. See Salme Sarajas-Korte, Suotnen var- 
haissymbolismi ja sen lahteet, Hel- 
sinki, Otava, 1966. In her article 
"Kandinsky et la Finlande I. 1906- 
1914," Ateneumin Taidemuseo 
Museojulkaisu, 15 Vuosikerta 1970, 
pp. 42.-45, Dr. Sarajas-Korte points out 
that the Finnish painter Axel Haart- 
man had studied with Kandinsky in 
Munich in 1902, and that Kandinsky's 
work was first exhibited in Finland by 
the Society of Art of Finland in spring 
1906. (At the time of writing she was 
not aware of Kandinsky's connection 
with Gallen-Kallela.) 

come an influential member of the Berlin Secession) and Triibner was in 
Frankfurt. Interestingly, the Monet exhibition included not a single haystack 
painting. But it was advertised with a poster designed by Kandinsky, in typi- 
cal Jugendstil manner, with a Viking ship on a sinuously meandering river 
(cat. no. 191). It seems to have consisted of a Monet collection then touring 
Europe, since works shown at both Cassirer's gallery in Berlin and at the 
Viennese Secession earlier that year were included. (Kandinsky would have 
seen these paintings during a trip to Vienna in April, since he wrote to Miinter 
that he had visited the Secession.) 

The most immediate effect of both exhibitions was more political than 
aesthetic, for they established Kandinsky and Phalanx as entities with which 
to reckon. The Corinth-Trubner show elicited a respectful review in Knnst 
ftir Alle, which, however, ignored the Monet exhibition. Nonetheless, Kan- 
dinsky's associate Gustav Freytag recalled that the most memorable event 
connected with the Monet exhibition was the visit of the Prince Regent Luit- 
pold himself, and that Kandinsky escorted him personally through the show. 
But, memorable or not, no record of Kandinsky's own reaction to this event 
appears to have survived. These two exhibitions seem to have been dutiful 
homages, on the one hand, to established secessionist taste, and, on the other, 
to Kandinsky's memory of that crucial confrontation with a Monet haystack 
in Moscow. His correspondence with Miinter during the period of the Monet 
exhibition indicates that he was in a depressed frame of mind; the dream 
engendered by that earlier encounter still eluded him and, although he made 
no direct reference to it, the exhibition must have been a poignant reminder. 

Akseli Gallen-Kallela was the star of the fourth Phalanx exhibition in 
1902, where he was represented by thirty-six works. A close friend of the 
composer Sibelius (fig. 18) and the architect Eliel Saarinen, Gallen-Kallela 
was Finland's greatest Symbolist artist. 22 He had already attracted interna- 
tional attention with the exhibition he shared with his friend Edvard Munch 


z3- There are seven letters to Gallen- 
Kallela concerning this Phalanx exhi- 
bition preserved in the archive of the 
Akseli Gallen-Kallela Museum, Espoo, 
Finland. Hitherto unpublished, they 
are exhibited here for the first time (cat. 
nos. 1S9, 190). Six are from Kandinsky, 
one from Freytag, the group's business 
advisor. Kandinsky wrote his first and 
last two letters to Gallen in German 
and the third and fourth in French. 
(Freytag also wrote in French.) The 
last two are written out in a fine cal- 
ligraphic hand by an unknown secre- 
tary and signed by Kandinsky. At the 
time my book Kandinsky in Munich 
went to press, the catalogue of the 
fourth Phalanx exhibition had not yet 
come to light. Nevertheless, on the 
basis of the comments of the reviewer 
in Ktnist fiir Alle, it had been possible 
to identify certain works that were in- 
cluded in the exhibition, and to con- 
jecture that certain others might have 
been included (for example. Defense 
of the Sanipo and Lemminkainen's 
Mother). In the spring of 1981 I was 
fortunate to discover a copy of the 
catalogue (which is included in the 
present exhibition [cat. no. 356]) at the 
Gallen-Kallela Museum in Espoo, as 
well as additional reviews of the show 
and the letters cited above. Although 
in some instances the catalogue itself is 
vague, listing untitled prints, illustra- 
tions, designs, etc., as well as precisely 
titled works, we can now deduce the 
actual contents of the show with 
greater accuracy. Several important 
works and sketches from the Kalevala 
saga were shown, including Knllervo — 
.4;; Episode from His Youth, a water- 
color version of Kulleri'o Goes to War 
(also known in the literature as Kul- 
lervo's Return from War, Knllervo on 
the Warpath and Kullcrvo's Departure 
for War [fig. 19]) Knllervo (identified 
only as a "Kalevala gouache"). Fratri- 
cide Old Folksong) and Sketches for 
the Pans World Exhibition iqoo 
(which probablv included Defense of 
the Satnpo on exhibition here [cat. no. 

in Berlin in 1895, his illustrations for Pan the same year and with his fres- 
coes for the Finnish Pavilion and decorations for the Iris Room at the Paris 
World's Fair in 1900. Kandinsky's letter of invitation to Gallen-Kallela on 
March 29, 1901, provides evidence of his diplomatic acumen, and also sheds 
light on the operation of the Phalanx as an organization: 

Until now here in Munich there has been only very little possibility avail- 
able for an artist to bring his talent and individuality fully before the pub- 
lic, that is, in an extensive way. 

Our young society has adopted primarily two goals, first, to offer to 
known artists the opportunity to exhibit numerous works collectively in 
the rooms of the Phalanx; secondly also to give unknown young artists 
the opportunity to step before the public. 

In accordance with our first goal then, we humbly allow ourselves to 
invite you to exhibit a collection of your ivorks if possible already in the 
May exhibition. 

It is scarcely necessary to note that artists who are personally invited 
are fury-free. In the case of sales, we take 10% commission. We offer fire 
insurance and free transportation. The duration of the exhibitions are 
usually 4 to 6 weeks. 

In the pleasant hope of receiving a positive answer soon, very respect- 
fully yours 

W. Kandinsky 

Tst Chairman 

on behalf of "Phalanx" 

The selection submitted by Gallen included examples of both his deco- 
rative Symbolist and more naturalistic work. Landscape Under Snow of 1902 
(cat. no. 180) exhibits a formal abstractness wavering ambiguously between 
the real and the symbolic. But Gallen was especially noted for his illustrations 
of the great Finnish folk saga the Kalevala, which had been rediscovered in 
the nineteenth century and had become an inspiration for many of the coun- 
try's poets, musicians and artists (as the Nibelungen saga and the Ossian 
legends had inspired Wagner and Yeats). Knllervo Goes to War, 1901 (fig. 19), 
was one of the episodes from the Kalevala saga exhibited at Phalanx. The 
hero on horseback, blowing his trumpet to summon the forces of good in the 
world, made a lasting impression on Kandinsky. The prevalence and impor- 
tance of the horse-and-rider motif in Kandinsky's work has already been 
noted: now trumpet-blowing horsemen would appear in a notebook, in a 
linocut of 1907 and in a tusche study of about 1908-09 (cat. nos. 185-187). 
However, Gallen-Kallela's greatest significance for Kandinsky lay not so 
much in his imagery, gripping as it was, but rather in his reliance on univer- 
sal folk legend as the basis of a symbolism expressed in monumental deco- 
rative paintings, such as Knllervo and Defense of the Sampo, 1900 (cat. no. 
179); in the brilliant saturation of his bold colors, employed with the naive 
directness of folk art; and in the degree of abstraction attained in many of 
his applied-art designs, for example, Seaflower, 1900-02, and the monumen- 
tal rug Flame (cat. nos. 182, 57). 21 


fig. 19 

Akseli Gallen-Kallela 

Kullervo Goes to War. 1901 
Tempera on canvas 

A watercolor of the same motif was ex- 
hibited at Phalanx IV 
Collection The Art Museum of The 
Ateneum, Helsinki 

179]). Among the other paintings were 
several with titles indicating that they 
were winter landscapes, such as cat. 
no. 180 in the present exhibition. There 
were also prints and works in stained 
glass. Further, the letters inform us 
that at least two important paintings 
not listed in the catalogue were added 
during the course of the show (10 June 
1902); one of them was Symposium 
(fig. 18), which was described in detail 
in several reviews. (Apparently, how- 
ever, Lemminkainen's Mother was not 
shown.) The popularity of Gallen- 
Kallela's work is indicated by Kan- 
dinsky's request for more copies of the 
prints in a letter written on the day of 
the opening: "For these things there 
are already buyers here." (13 June 
1902) It is clear from the reviews that 
the show traveled to Schulte's gallery 
in Berlin after closing at the Phalanx 
at the end of July. 

Yet another decorative Symbolist artist Kandinsky invited to exhibit 
collectively with Phalanx was the unique Munich painter-craftsman Carl 
Strathmann. Strathmann is particularly interesting from today's perspective 
because his own contemporaries thought his work bridged the gap between 
the decorative and the fine arts. August Endell had expressed serious interest 
in Strathmann's work in 1897 in his pamphlet On Beauty, a Paraphrase, and 
Corinth published a major article on him in the Berlin art journal Kwist unci 
Kibistler in March of 1903, calling him "an original of our time." The follow- 
ing autumn Kandinsky invited Strathmann to show thirty-one works at the 
eighth Phalanx exhibition. 

Strathmann's originality, like that of Jan Toorop and Gustav Klimt, 
derived from his capacity to subvert naturalistic traditions entirely to the 
abstract-expressive power of ornament. His vocabulary of abstract-expres- 
sive imagery tugged constantly at the bonds of possibility. Strathmann's two- 
dimensional picture plane comes alive with energy conveyed by convoluted 
linear devices. These devices swirl in layered veils over stylized forms which 
vaguely suggest remembered objects, thus rendering them ambiguous or, as 
in the borders of Satan, 1902, and Decorative Painting with Frame, ca. 1897, 
entirely illegible (cat. nos. 201, 202). Often the tangled web of ornament over- 
flows onto the frame, a characteristic usage of Art Nouveau and Jugendstil 
which makes it an inextricable element of the Gesamtkunstwerk, trans- 
forming the painting itself into an objet d'art. But in his exploration of the 
world-serpent theme, to which he frequently returned, Strathmann demon- 
strated the seriousness of his intentions. While Satan remains in the realm of 
amusing decorative illustration, The World Serpent, before 1900, and Small 
Serpent, 1897-98 (cat. nos. 200, 203), despite their small format, assume a 
significance beyond mere decoration. The traditional symbols of serpent, tree 
of life, sun-moon and bird-flight used in conjunction carry a message of 


regeneration through artistic inspiration. Strathmann's two-dimensional sur- 
face, filled with energetic allover calligraphic design and charged with sym- 
bolic significance, provided Kandinsky with an additional example of the 
potential of abstract design. The whiplash serpent image was to persist as 
well in Kandinsky's memory. 

In the next Phalanx exhibition, the ninth, in January of 1904, Kandinsky 
presented the work of the young Alfred Kubin, yet another artist who con- 
sciously exploited the powerful potential of compressed surfaces energized 
by overall calligraphy and demonic imagery. Kubin's pictures departed, how- 
ever, from the strict two-dimensionality of ornamental art; he created instead 
an eerily ambiguous space in which his figures often seemed to float in an 
obscuring primal haze. The transformation of the ordinary into the bizarre 
and exotic, effected by artists such as Max Klinger and Fernand Khnopff, was 
carried to a new level by Kubin, whose novel of 1908, The Other Side (cat. 
no. 359), a poetic allegory of the artist's own journey to the other side, into 
his innermost self, achieved a proto-Surrealist fusion of visual and poetic 
imagery. Already a friend of the Symbolist poets Stefan George and Karl 
Wolfskehl, Kubin now became a close associate of Kandinsky and remained 
so throughout the Munich period. 

If Kandinsky's selection of participants for the Phalanx (which included 
Felix Vallotton, Theo van Rysselberghe, Paul Signac and Toulouse-Lautrec 
in the tenth exhibition in the spring of 1904) indicates a clear bias toward a 
lyric Symbolist mode of expression, a similar bias may also be discerned in 
his own work of this period. This is particularly evident in his enthusiasm for 
romantic Symbolist imagery expressed in the techniques of woodcut and 
tempera painting. By the time the Phalanx society exhibitions drew to a close 
in December of 1904, it was clear that the conflict between the lure of the 
decorative and the demands of more traditional naturalism was sharper than 
ever in Kandinsky's mind and work. But the contest leaned heavily to the side 
of the decorative. 2 ' During 1903 and 1904 he had achieved a remarkable 
mastery of the woodcut and had begun to enjoy his first critical success with 
that demanding medium. He had been approached by Peter Behrens, now 
head of the Kunstgewerbeschule in Diisseldorf, with an offer to take charge 
of the school's decorative painting section. Kandinsky refused the invitation, 
but threw himself with renewed enthusiasm into his woodcut production. 
He had found his metier in a lyric medium which brought him closer than 
ever to the Symbolist Jugendstil tide of the times. 

Ill The Lyric Mode: Encounters with Woodcut, Poetry, Calligraphy, Theater 

24. In February of 1904 he had exhibited 
fifteen works at the Moscow Associa- 
tion of Artists of which fourteen were 
specifically identified in the catalogue 
as "decorative drawings." See Gordon, 
vol. II, p. 85. 

In Kandinsky's mind, the woodcut was immediately identified with lyric 
poetry. He had confided to Miinter his frustration at being unable to com- 
pose poetry for her in German, but soon he would substitute a lyric visual 
image for the verse that eluded him. By 1904 Kandinsky had completed a 
set of such visual poems, which he published under the title Verses Without 
Words (also known as Poems Without Words [cat. nos. 210, 2.11]). 


fig. 2.0 

Vasily Kandinsky 

Singer. 1903 

Color woodcut 

Collection, The Solomon R. Guggenheim 

Museum, New York 

2.5. Lindsay K/M letters: 31. 1.04, 15.4.04. 

Once again his encounter with Munich had yielded a transformation, 
one that marked a major turning point in his career. Munich was in fact the 
meeting place of Germany's most important group of Symbolist poets, whose 
leaders were the Mallarme disciple Stefan George and his friend Karl Wolf- 
skehl, known as the Zeus of Schwabing because of his prodigious intellect. 
Since 1892 George had been publishing an elitest Symbolist journal, Blatter 
fiir die Kimst, which called for reform and renewal in all the arts. It was a 
typically Jugendstil-Art Nouveau publication combining poetry, criticism, 
art reproductions and even musical scores. George's commitment to the 
Gesamtkunstwerk extended to a concern with the appearance of his poems 
on the page, so that he even designed a typeface resembling his own fine hand 
and introduced drastic reforms in the use of punctuation and capitalization. 

In emulation of Mallarme, George strove to express essence and music 
at the expense of discursive content in his poems, which are laden with Sym- 
bolist imagery and ambiguities. Several of the artists in his circle, including 
Behrens and Schlittgen as well as Kubin, were also associated with Kandin- 
sky. Eventually Kandinsky himself became acquainted with Wolfskehl, who 
was among the first in Munich to purchase his work. Already by 1904 Kan- 
dinsky had paid George a silent tribute by portraying him in one of his Verses 
Without Words as a knight (St. George) in armor. 

The woodcut, like the lyric poem, requires an ability on the part of the 
artist to reduce the means of expression to the minimum while retaining the 
essence of his vision or dream. In poetry such reductions are achieved by 
means of verbal compression and abbreviation which often result in startling 
fusions of verbal images, highly structured rhythm and rhyme and an em- 
phasis on sound above discursive meaning. In the woodcut these fusions and 
abbreviations are achieved by compressing forms to flat planes delineated by 
the outline of opposing planes and reducing colors to clear contrasts or sub- 
tle harmonies. The woodcut allows, in fact demands, an abstraction from 
nature far more drastic than does the more plastic medium of oil paint and 
encourages the Symbolist preference for images of memory, dream and fan- 
tasy. The remarkable series of woodcuts Kandinsky produced between 1903 
and 1907-08 exhibit an ever more soaring lyricism and an ever greater de- 
gree of abstraction as his mastery of the medium grew. 

From the beginning, the woodcut was associated by Kandinsky with 
music as well as with poetry, quite in keeping with the Symbolist quest for 
a synthesis of the arts: for him the woodcut would be not only a poem but a 
song. Among his earliest efforts in woodcut is Singer, 1903 (fig. 20), in which 
the image makes a direct reference to music: someone is about to sing, the 
pianist is poised, about to strike the first chord. In this restrained print the 
studied geometrical composition and the subtle color harmony convey the 
effect of a musical chord or Klang, a word Kandinsky used to characterize 
the effect by which the successful work of art communicates its inner mean- 
ing. 25 The work of art, he said, must klingen, or resonate, so that the soul of 
the viewer vibrates with the same resonance. This thought, already expressed 
in his correspondence with Miinter as early as 1904, recurs throughout Kan- 
dinsky's work and writings. 


Vasily Kandinsky 

Motley Life. 1907 

Tempera on canvas 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 

haus, Munich 

2.6. Kandinsky as quoted in Eichner, p. 111, 
from notes for a lecture he prepared 
for the Kreis der Kunst in Cologne in 
1914; the lecture was never delivered. 

27. Klaus Brisch, Wassily Kandinsky: Un- 
tersuchung zur Entstehung der gegen- 
standlosen Malerei, Ph.D. dissertation, 
University of Bonn, 1955, pp. 136 ff. 

In Uber das Geistige in der Kunst he was to call again upon the image of 
the artist-pianist, drawing an analogy between the artist and the hand of the 
pianist: the hand (artist) strikes the key (color) which moves the hammer (the 
eye of the viewer), which strikes the strings (the soul of the viewer). The 
image had already been encountered and articulated in Singer. In 1909 Kan- 
dinsky published a second portfolio of prints; these he called Xylographies 
(cat. no. 212), a play on words constituting a hidden reference to his musical 
analogy. (Xylography, an unusual word for woodcut, calls to mind the word 
xylophone.) The transformation was complete when, in 1913, he published 
his graphic masterpiece, Kldnge (Resonances or Sounds), a book of poems 
and woodcuts (cat. no. 360). 

Singer is one of scarcely more than a dozen or so of Kandinsky's prints 
which make use of imagery drawn from everyday life. From the start, in his 
woodcuts he preferred invented imagery derived either from romantic histor- 
icism (figures in medieval or Biedermeier-style dress and settings), from folk 
legend or myth or from pure fancy. Kandinsky later recalled that at this 
early stage of his development he had needed some justification, some "ex- 
cuse" to allow the freer use of colors and forms he envisioned. He had dis- 
covered that motifs from the past, real but "no longer extant," provided that 
justification. 2& In effect, as Klaus Brisch has pointed out, such images allowed 
Kandinsky to distance himself from reality. 27 Night (Large Version), The 
Golden Sail, Farewell, all 1903, and The Mirror, 1907 (cat. nos. 215, 216, 
218, 219) and other prints demonstrate this principle. Furthermore, their easy 
grace, which belies the extremely demanding discipline of the woodcut tech- 


nique, indicates that the artist had indeed found his metier. The same lyric 
quality and easy grace is apparent in such romantic tempera paintings as 
Riding Couple, Motley Life, both 1907 (cat. no. Z58, fig. 21), and Early 
Hour, ca. 1906. In all these works, reality is left behind and the mind is in- 
vited to the fairy tale or dream. The various areas of color are given equal 
weight, diminishing any sense of real perspective and creating a mosaic-like 
surface on which the almost cloisonne-like figures float as if under some 

Related to the reductive techniques of both woodcut and lyric poetry, 
calligraphy or calligraphic design appears to have been yet another source of 
inspiration in the development of abstract art around the turn of the century. 
Adolf Holzel, leader of the Neu-Dacbau school, may have been the first to 
experiment seriously with the abstract potential of calligraphy in graphic 
experiments which he called "abstract ornaments" (cat. nos. 234, 235). These 
small abstractions were discussed in artistic circles and known to his stu- 
dents before 1900. (Emil Nolde, who studied with Holzel in 1899 recalled 
trying to imitate his teacher's inventions.) They were also analyzed and 
reproduced in at least two major articles on Holzel by the noted critic Arthur 
Rossler, first in 1903 and again in 1905. 

By the 1890s Holzel had already developed a stylized form of lyric- 
expressive landscape painting. Works such as Birches on the Moor, 1902 
(fig. 22), were visions based less on observed reality than on a complex of 
inner formal relationships. Although he apparently was not personally ac- 
quainted with Holzel in the first years of the century, Kandinsky would have 
been aware of his teachings and his work, which was exhibited regularly at 
the Munich Secession. Holzel lectured widely and published as well, express- 
ing himself in terms that in many ways anticipated the theoretical approach 
manifested in Kandinsky's later writings. His article "On Forms and the Dis- 
tribution of Masses in Painting," published in 1901 in the prominent Jugend- 

fig. 2.Z (cat. no. 144) 

Adolf Holzel 

Birches on the Moor. 1902 

Oil on canvas 

Collection Mittelrheinisches Landes- 

museum, Mainz 


hg- 2.3 
Adolf Holzel 

Illustrations and partial text for his article, 
"Uber Formen und Massenverteilung im 
Bilde," Vet Sacrum, IV, 1901 
Courtesy The Houghton Library, Harvard 
University, Cambridge, Massachusetts 



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fig. 24 

Vasily Kandinsky 

Illustration i, "Cool tension toward the 
center," from Point and Line to Plane 
(Punkt und Linie ztt Flacbe), New York, 

stil journal Ver Sacrum, was accompanied by illustrations remarkably similar 
to those used much later by Kandinsky in his treatise on pictorial composi- 
tion Punkt und Linie zu Flacbe (Point and Line to Plane), begun in 19 14 but 
not published until 1926 (figs. 23, 24). Furthermore, the reproductions of 
Old Master paintings Holzel included in his article to demonstrate the fun- 
damentally geometric bases of composition in the art of all ages anticipated 
Kandinsky's use of comparable works for a similar purpose in Uber das Geis- 
tige in der Kunst. Yet Holzel, too, wavered uncertainly between naturalism 
and abstraction. It was many years before he achieved a nearly total abstrac- 
tion, and then it was in the medium of stained glass, rather than paint. None- 
theless, as early as 1905 his Composition in Red 1 (cat. no. 262) attained a de- 
gree of abstraction not evident in Kandinsky's work until three or four years 
later (cat. no. 261). 

In 1908 a prominent Munich publisher, Ferdinand Avenarius, brought 
out a portfolio of drawings by the Dresden artist Katharine Schaffner. Schaff- 
ner attempted to capture, in this series of abstract graphic images, various 
psychological moods or states. In a prophetic introductory essay, Avenarius 
remarked on the abstract character of Schaffner's inventions and spoke of a 


fig. 25 

Vasily Kandinsky 

Thirty. 1937 

Oil on canvas 

Private Collection, Paris 

28. Alfred Kubin, Die andere Seite, Mu- 
nich, Nymphenburger Verlagshand- 
lung, 1968, p. 140 (originally published 

"new language" of forms that would lead to an art no longer representational 
of nature, but existing somewhere between visual imagery and music. 

However, it was Kandinsky's friend Kubin who perhaps most fully ex- 
ploited the potential of the linear hieroglyph for abstract expressive power. 
In his aforementioned book, The Other Side, the artist-hero "attempted to 
create new form-images directly according to secret rhythms of which I had 
become conscious; they writhed, coiled and burst upon one another. I went 
even further. I gave up everything but line and developed ... a peculiar line 
system. A fragmentary style, more written than drawn, which expressed, like 
some sensitive meteorological instrument, the slightest vibration of my life's 
mood. 'Psychographics' I called it. . . ." 28 In Kubin's own work, the calli- 
graphic hand nervously covered the entire surface, creating a dense allover 
network of expressive linear elements while at the same time eschewing any 
ornamental imperative (cat. no. 257). 

As Kandinsky copied Moorish decorations and hieroglyphic inscriptions 
in his sketchbooks (cat. no. 245) during a trip to Tunis in 1905, so too August 
Macke exhibited a fascination with the mysteriously evocative effects of 
calligraphy (cat. nos. 246, 247). Works by Klee, Kahler and Bloch (cat. nos. 
254-256) also provide evidence of a similar interest in the expressive potential 
of line exploited calligraphically in an allover network of evocative "scrib- 

In a graphic of 1913 (cat. no. 243), Kandinsky made use of a genre similar 
to that developed by Holzel (cat. nos. 234, 235, 242), combining abstract 
hieroglyphs with text: "Drawing," he wrote under the design, "which in the 
strict sense is only a line, can express everything." By that time he was already 
employing an abstract calligraphy in such paintings as Black Lines (cat. no. 
332). Much later, at the Bauhaus and in Paris, hieroglyphic imagery would 
return in his paintings, for example Variegated Sig7is, 1928, and Thirty, 1937 
(fig. 25), recalling such Holzel works as Composition. Picture and Text Ten 
Draining (cat. no. 244). 


Kandinsky's interest in the lyric mode encompassed a concern with the 
theater, which he considered the ideal vehicle for the true Gesamtkunstwerk 
synthesis of the arts of which he dreamed. He was eventually to compose 
several "color operas" and to devote a long essay to the theater in the Blaue 
Reiter almanac. His ideas on theater represented another transformation of 
material he encountered on the Munich scene. 

Munich theater at the turn of the century manifested an unusual degree 
of activity in the direction of Symbolism and general reform which cannot 
have failed to draw Kandinsky's attention. His interest in the Elf Scharfrichter 
cabaret has already been discussed, and he was attracted as well to the re- 
vivals of puppet and shadow-play theater taking place in the city. However, 
the most important manifestation of the new movement in Munich theater 
was the creation of the Miinchrter Kiinstlertheater (Munich Artists' Theater) 
by Behrens's earlier associate, Georg Fuchs. Fuchs envisioned the Kiinstler- 
theater as a Symbolist stage par excellence and the paradigmatic Gesamt- 
kunstwerk. Its major innovation was the so-called relief stage which was 
another attempt to achieve enhanced effect through reduction to two-dimen- 
sionality. The deep perspectival stage of naturalistic theater was abandoned 
in favor of a drastically narrowed stage on which the effect of the dramatic 
silhouette could be emphasized (fig. 2.6). Further, Fuchs conceived of the the- 
ater as a thoroughly artistic enterprise in that all sets, costumes and music 
would be provided by the best artists and musicians in the community. The 
theater opened to great acclaim in 1908. (Edward Gordon Craig hurried to 
Munich to see it and reported enthusiastically about it in his magazine, The 
Mask.) But the dream-theater was never to truly fulfill its promise. 

Many of Kandinsky's earliest associates in Munich were already involved 
in theater or later became so: Behrens's pamphlet Feste des Lebens unci cier 

fig. 26 

Max Littmann 

Munich Kiinstlertheater. Summer 1908 
Curtain embroidered by Margarete von 


Kunst {Celebrations of Life and Art), published at the Darmstadt Kiinstler- 
kolonie, was his manifesto calling for reform in the theater; Stern became the 
chief set designer for Max Reinhardt; and von Salzmann in collaboration 
with Adolphe Appia designed the spectacular light theater at the Jaques- 
Dalcroze School at Hellerau which undoubtedly had a direct influence on 
Kandinsky's plans for Der gelbe Klang (The Yellow Sound). 29 

Indeed, the lyric mode was to hold a strong appeal for Kandinsky 
throughout his lifetime. Now, as he entered a new period of activity between 
1905 and 1908, traveling widely throughout Europe (returning intermittently, 
to be sure, to the Munich area and to his native Russia), the lyric muse ac- 
companied him. It came to dominate his associations, his vision and his work 
for a time, leading him onward in his search for that new way he foresaw. 

29. See Weiss, chapter IX, for a detailed 
analysis of the influence of the Miinch- 
ner Kiinstlertheater and the work of 
Georg Fuchs on Kandinsky's thoughts 
on theater and on his conception of the 
color operas. I am grateful to Professor 
Joseph Henry, director of orchestras at 
Ohio University, Athens, Ohio, whose 
long interest in the music of Thomas 
de Hartmann and personal acquaint- 
ance with Mme de Hartmann led to 
my discovery of the fragments of the 
score of Der gelbe Klang, now in the 
archive of the Music Library, Yale 
University, New Haven (cat. no. 337). 
Professor Henry introduced me to 
Mme de Hartmann, with whom I 
discussed my hopes for a historically 
authentic production of the color 
opera in 1976, three years before her 
death. I am also extremely grateful to 
Professor Louis Krasner of the Boston 
Conservatory for encouraging me to 
approach composer Gunther Schuller 
with the idea of re-creating the score 
on the basis of the Yale fragments. 
Schuller's enthusiastic response led 
eventually to my collaboration with 
producer-director Ian Strasfogel and 
thence to the first real attempt to stage 
the opera within its historical context. 
Professor John Stevenson of Ithaca 
College and Professor Selma Odom of 
York University, Ontario, provided 
much helpful information about the 
Jaques-Dalcroze method of dance. 
This production of Der gelbe Klang 
will be staged at the Marymount The- 
ater, New York, in February 1981. The 
scenarios for all of Kandinsky's docu- 
mented color operas are to be published 
in an edition by Jelena Hahl-Koch, 
Kandinsky, Die gesamnielten Schriften: 
Stiicke fiir die Biibne, forthcoming. 

30. Lindsay K/M letters: n. 10.03. 

IV Departures and Returns: Transition and Self-Realization 

When 1 was young, I was often sad. I searched for something, something 
was lacking, I absolutely wanted to have something. Arid it seemed to 
me that it is impossible to find this lacking thing. "The feeling of the lost 
paradise" I used to call this state of mind. Only much later did 1 get eyes, 
which can sometimes peer through the keyhole in the gate of paradise. 
1 am still searching too much on earth. And he who looks doivn natur- 
ally sees nothing up above?" 

"When Kandinsky and Miinter discovered Murnau in the spring of 1908, 
after a year in Paris and some months of restless wandering, it must have 
seemed to him that he had at last found his paradise. From the end of 1905 
until the summer of 1907 they had been away from Germany, spending some 
months in Italy, a year in Paris. After a brief return to the Munich area, they 
had spent the winter months of 1907-08 in Berlin. And this rootless time had 
been filled with psychological stress. 

With the collapse of Phalanx in 1904, Kandinsky had recognized his need 
to immerse himself in his own work and to strive vigorously toward his goal. 
But this inward turning had brought him face to face with his inner self, with 
doubts and questions and temptations. It was in Paris in December of 1906 
that Kandinsky had attained his fortieth year, depressed and temporarily es- 
tranged from Miinter. He was forty and still his dream of a new way in art 
had not been realized; it must have seemed to him that his dream eluded him 
fiendishly. The differential between his actual production at the time— lyrical 
and pleasing as it was— and the true breaking away of which he dreamed, 
when he measured his work against that of Matisse, Picasso, Braque, Derain, 
Rouault and others whose works he saw there, must have seemed to him as 
a vast chasm. It would have been simple for him to adapt the styles and tech- 
niques he encountered in Paris, such as the radical Pointillism or bold color 
combinations of the Fauves, but he could not on principle adopt such easy 
solutions. Kandinsky had already made this clear in a letter to Miinter of 
April 1905, in which he had criticized Jawlensky's Tupfenmalen (literally, 


31. Letter from Kandinsky to Miinter, 
Z6.4.05, partially quoted in Eichner, 
p. 88. " 

32. The richness of Kandinsky's involve- 
ment with the interesting personalities 
of the Tendances Nouvelles group is 
well documented in Fineberg, op. cit. 

33. Lindsay K/M letters: 13.7.04. 

34. Eichner, p. 53. 

"dot-painting") as "not quite right," and implied that it was for him a tech- 
nique devoid of meaning. 31 Obrist had chided him for devoting himself to his 
"black" studies (the color drawings on dark ground), Miinter had criticized 
his absorption with woodcuts. But deep within himself, he knew that it would 
be necessary to push this decorative or lyric style of his to its extreme. 

In fact, Kandinsky's success with his graphic work had led to his involve- 
ment during the Paris year with an enthusiastic circle of admirers centered 
around the Symbolist journal Tendances Nouvelles.' 2 He produced a flood of 
lyrical woodcuts, many of which were published in Tendances Nouvelles, and 
continued to develop the thematic ideas enunciated in such earlier Munich 
works as Sunday, Old Russian and Verses Without Words of the 1903-04 
period (cat. nos. 195, 210, 211). 

At last the mood and thematic content of these Munich works reached a 
culmination in the monumental tempera Motley Life (fig. 21). Completed in 
Paris early in 1907, it was apparently the largest painting (145 by 160 centi- 
meters) Kandinsky had yet brought to conclusion. (Although in a letter to 
Miinter in the summer of 1904 he had described a painting that was to mea- 
sure 120 by 240 centimeters.") Monumental for reasons beyond its sheer 
size, the painting presents in a single unified expression the universal themes 
of life in its multiplicity and death in its mystery, themes which were to per- 
sist long afterwards in Kandinsky's oeuvre. Stylistically, it brought to a bril- 
liant climax the technique of disposing mosaic color dots against a dark 
ground to create a rich tapestry effect. Other temperas from the same year 
based on similar lyric themes, such as Early Hour, Panic and Storm Bell were 
also of fairly large format. The latter paintings, with their disturbed subject 
matter and titles evoke feelings which contrast markedly with the harmoni- 
ous and confident mood of Motley Life. Indeed, they suggest that a new pe- 
riod of doubt followed the completion of Motley Life, particularly in view of 
their position in Kandinsky's house catalogue, which indicates that they were 
painted after Motley Life. This deduction is further substantiated by Kan- 
dinsky's retreat in June of 1907 to the mountain resort of Bad Reichenhall 
for a "rest cure" and his continuation in Berlin of the tempera paintings. 3 ' 
His work during the Paris interlude still reflected a deep schism between the 
lure of the decorative and the demands of naturalism, for he had continued 
to produce oil studies from nature in this period. Gradually his oil color was 
becoming more brilliant and beginning to approach the glowing quality of 
the color in the woodcuts. However, Kandinsky's recurrent depressions indi- 
cate that he recognized he had not yet found a satisfactory solution to this 
stylistic conflict. 

In the late spring of 1908 Kandinsky and Miinter returned again to the 
mountains of Bavaria— always a favorite area of theirs for painting and recre- 
ational excursions— visiting Murnau in June and again in August, then taking 
an apartment together in Ainmillerstrasse in Schwabing with a grateful sense 
of returning home. Consciously Kandinsky put the tempera paintings and 
woodcuts behind him and stood resolutely before the Bavarian landscape. 

Nestled scenically between the shore of Lake Staffel and the broad Mur- 
nau moor, the old market town of Murnau lay in almost pristine beauty at 


35- Kandinsky, Vber das Geistige in der 
Kunst, Bern, Benteli-Verlag, 1965, pp. 
no-112 (originally published by Piper 
&C Co., Munich, 1912); Eichner, pp. 
111-113; Karl Gutbrod, ed., "Lieber 
Freund . . ." Kiinstler schreiben an 
Will Grohmann, Cologne, DuMont 
Schauberg, 1968, pp. 60-61 (letter of 
23.11.3z); Kandinsky, "Mes gravures 
sur bois," XX e Steele, no. 27, Decem- 
ber 1966, p. 17 (originally published in 
XX e Siecle, no. 3, 1938). 

36. On the relationship of the Cunz wood- 
cut to Kandinsky's work, see Weiss, 

p. 128. 

37. See the photograph of the lost oil 
painting based on the abduction motif 
reproduced in Rothel, p. 471 (no. 19). 

the foot of the Wetterstein and Karwendel Alps, beneath Garmisch-Parten- 
kirchen and only a few miles below Oberammergau. The wooded Kogeln, or 
hills, that were once islands in an Ice Age sea added a picturesque note to an 
otherwise almost too dramatic view. Clean air and the brilliant light char- 
acteristic of the subalpine climate appeared to diminish perspective, so that 
the hills and mountains seemed to share, at an indeterminate distance, a nar- 
row crystalline plane. Far from the competitive distractions of the city, Mur- 
nau offered a tranquil retreat. 

As if a gate had suddenly opened onto a new vista, Kandinsky now expe- 
rienced a liberation in style that represented a drastic break with the recent 
past. All at once, there seemed to be a way to resolve the dichotomy between 
his impressionist landscapes and the lyric works that had held his heart in 
thrall for so long. In several later statements Kandinsky explained that his 
transition to abstraction had been effected by means of three major steps: 
the overcoming of perspective through the achievement of two-dimension- 
ality; a new application of graphic elements to oil painting; the creation of a 
new "floating" space by the separation of color from line. 35 In fact, numerous 
changes began to take place at this point in his career. Now for the first time 
he began to transfer to the oil medium the elements he had so successfully 
learned to manipulate in his woodcuts and lyric tempera paintings, namely 
line, flat planes of saturated color and the "noncolors" of drawing, black 
and white. 

This transfer was so successful that some paintings exhibited the char- 
acteristics of woodcuts. The graphic qualities of flattened perspective, an am- 
bivalent equality of positive and negative forms, and a clear definition of 
forms can be observed in comparing his painting Landscape near Murnaii 
with Locomotive, 1909 (cat. no. 260), with a woodcut on a similar theme by 
Martha Cunz (cat. no. 259)— a print with which Kandinsky would have been 
familiar. 3 ^ So intense was Kandinsky's preoccupation during 1908 with the 
transference of this lyric manner to landscape painting that he abandoned 
woodcut and tempera almost entirely and instead devoted himself to land- 
scape painting in oil. For the first time since the earliest student years, the 
landscape genre outweighed the decorative. Only two woodcuts may have 
been executed that year: these are Archer and the abduction motif for the 
Neue Kiinstlervereinigung membership card (cat. nos. 269, 276), both of 
which were also the subjects of oil paintings. In fact, the successful transfer- 
ence of the graphic to the painterly resulted in an interchangeability of media 
such that the same subject was often to appear in both idioms. For example, 
White Sound and Lyrical, both 1908, as well as Archer and the abduction mo- 
tif, appear as both oil paintings and as woodcuts (cat. nos. 265-268). 37 This 
represented a significant breakthrough, since the techniques of woodcut and 
tempera had with few exceptions previously been reserved for lyric or fantasy 
subjects. The only interchange between media had occurred in the transfer- 
ring of a decorative "color drawing" (tempera on colored cardboard or 
paper) to woodcut. Landscapes were formerly executed almost exclusively in 
oil, and in a more or less impressionist manner. Now, however, the thought- 
ful, constructive, graphic method (what Eichner called the "applied arts" 


fig. 2.7 

Vasily Kandinsky 
Winter I. 1909 
Oil on cardboard 

Collection The Hermitage, Leningrad 

38. Compare Erika Hanfstaengl, ed.,Was- 
sily Kandinsky-Zeichnungen und 
Aquarelle im Lenbachhaus Mtincben, 

Munich, Prestel Verlag, 1974, no. 121, 
p. 54, and Rothel, p. 445. 

method) of the woodcuts and decorative tempera paintings, with their mo- 
saic or cloisonne-like paint application, is carried over into the oils painted 
from nature. For the first time the two genres share an equally colorful yet 
structured confidence of execution, as demonstrated in Before the City and 
White Sound, both 1908 (cat. nos. 299, 265). 

By 1909, when the lyric pictures based on fantasy themes returned to 
take their place side by side with the landscapes, line as contour was empha- 
sized equally in both genres, and the medium employed for both was oil, as 
exemplified in Winter 1 (fig. 27) and Blue Mountain (cat. no. 296), both 1909. 
Soon linear schemata replaced more representational forms. And with the 
resolution of stylistic conflict, Kandinsky began once more to produce wood- 
cuts. In 1909 the portfolio Xylographies was published in Paris, albeit with 
woodcuts of the 1907 period; and he had begun to think about executing an 
album of music and woodcuts, and perhaps another with text and wood- 
cuts. 38 By 1910 he was once again making woodcuts with his old gusto. 

Kandinsky now felt confident enough of the new development in his 
style to accord the old dichotomy a kind of official recognition by assigning 
verbal categories to the different modes. Those paintings derived directly from 
observations of nature he would now designate as "Impressions"; those lyric 
works which derived from fantasy or, as he was to say, "impressions of inner 
nature," he would call "Improvisations"; and on the major canvases which 
required slow and thoughtful preparation (in reality extensions of the second 
category), he would bestow the selective title "Compositions." Although the 
explanation of these categories did not appear in print until publication of 
Uber das Geistige in der Kunst in 191 1, the first Improvisation title was used 
by 1909. While all of his works were not differentiated in their titles by these 
designations, their categories can, in fact, easily be discerned. Significantly, 
the "impressions of inner nature" were still almost invariably larger than 
the nature studies. 


Previously, the landscapes from nature had been restricted to very small 
format, and only the lyric paintings had achieved monumental proportions. 
Gradually, however, during the 1908-09 period the sizes of the oil landscapes 
began to increase. Still, it was not until 1910 that they approached the scale 
of paintings with fantasy themes. In 1911 the designation "Impression" was 
first used, and the largest of them, Impression II (Moscow) (120 by 140 centi- 
meters), was still not as large as the lyric painting of 1907, Motley Life. Nev- 
ertheless, there was now a real consonance of style and execution between 
the two categories, the Impressions and the Improvisations sharing the tech- 
nical breakthrough of emancipated color and line used schematically to sug- 
gest the barest outline of objective content: compare, for example, Impression 
V (Park) and Improvisation 20 (fig. 28), both of 1911. 

Kandinsky's new confidence spilled over into all aspects of his life. As in 
the early days of his emancipation from apprenticeship, now too he moved 
to take an active role in the artistic life around him. He participated in the 
founding of an exhibition society, the Neue Kunstlervereinigung Miinchen 
(NKVM; New Artists' Society of Munich); he began to organize the notes 
he had kept over the years for a book and for his color operas; and he re- 
sumed reporting on the Munich art scene for Russian journals. A new confi- 
dence was evident in his personal relationships as well. He now lived openly 
with Miinter and introduced her as "my wife— Gabriele Munter." Together 
they furnished the apartment at Ainmillerstrasse and looked for a house in 
Murnau. When Munter purchased one the following year, Kandinsky joined 
enthusiastically in its decoration, creating a stenciled design of leaping horses 
and riders for the stairway (cat. nos. 33, 34), and painting furniture in the 
bright, raw colors of peasant tradition (cat. nos. 30-32). Once more, the 
decorative became an integrated part of his life, and he joined Munter in 

fig. 28 

Vasily Kandinsky 

Improvisation 20. 1911 

Oil on canvas 

Collection Puschkin-Museum, Moscow 


39- Peter Selz, German Expressionist 
Painting, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 
University of California Press, 1957, 
p. 193, and Gordon. 

collecting and imitating examples of peasant art such as the indigenous Hin- 
terglasmalereien (glass paintings) and wood carvings of the area (cat. nos. 
318, 320, 35-37, 39)- 

With the foundation of the NKVM in January of 1909, Kandinsky again 
established himself as an active force on the Munich scene. He had renewed 
his acquaintance with his compatriots Alexej Jawlensky and Marianne von 
Werefkin, whom he had known since his days at the Azbe school, and with 
Alfred Kuhin. In addition to these friends and Miinter, the NKVM included 
Adolf Erbsloh, Alexander Kanoldt, Paul Baum, Vladimir von Bechtejeff, Erma 
Bossi, Karl Hofer, Moissey Kogan and the dancer Alexander Sacharoff. 
Pierre Girieud, Emmi Dresler and others were to participate in the first exhi- 
bition of the group, which took place the following December. It was a size- 
able organization with an international membership at a time when there 
was a growing isolationism in the arts in Germany. The membership circular 
(cat. no. 282) articulated Kandinsky's concept of an artistic "synthesis" 
which unites all artists and by means of which, dispensing with all that is 
extraneous, only the "necessary" is brought to expression. Kandinsky de- 
signed the signet and poster of the NKVM (cat. nos. 272-274, 271), as he had 
done for the Phalanx. 

At the first NKVM exhibition Kandinsky showed five paintings, a sketch, 
two studies and five woodcuts. The two largest and most expensive works 
were Picture with Crinolined Ladies and Picture with Boat, both 1909 and 
both paintings of the lyric or improvisational mode. Group in Crinolines (cat. 
no. 284), in the Guggenheim Museum collection, is a painting of the same 
theme and year as Crinolined Ladies (it was not, however, included in the 
NKVM show). Among other works exhibited were Pierre Girieud's Judas, 
ca. 1909, and Bechtejeff's Battle of the Amazons, ca. 1910 (cat. nos. 286, 297). 

But it was the second exhibition of the NKVM in the autumn of 1910, 
which, as Peter Selz has said, was the first exhibition anywhere "in which the 
international scope of the modern movement could be estimated. . . ." 39 
Georges Braque, David and Vladimir Burliuk, Andre Derain, Kees van Don- 
gen, Henri Le Fauconnier, Pablo Picasso, Georges Rouault and Maurice Vla- 
minck were among the new exhibitors. Ironically, Munich, which, in the 
years since the demise of Phalanx, had lost its position as Germany's first art 
city to Berlin and had grown increasingly conservative, again became the 
center of an avant-garde of international scope. Moreover, Kandinsky him- 
self had become an international figure. 

Kandinsky exhibited four paintings and six woodcuts at the second 
NKVM show, demonstrating his continuing conviction regarding the value of 
that lyric medium. Of the paintings, only one was a landscape; the others 
were of the improvisational lyric mode: Composition II, Improvisation 10 
and Boatride, all 1910. Composition II was the largest painting he had yet 
produced (200 by 275 centimeters, that is, almost exactly twice the size of the 
Guggenheim's Study for the canvas [cat. no. 285], which was lost in World 
War II). Significantly, the three major paintings Kandinsky selected for inclu- 
sion in this exhibition represented three major breakthroughs in his progress 
toward an art entirely divested of reference to the external world, three steps 


to abstraction which he himself later identified as such: freedom from per- 
spective {Composition II), use of line as a painterly element (Composition II 
and Improvisation 10) and the painterly use of the "graphic" colors black 
and white (Boatride). 

The flat, tapestry-like quality of Composition II was immediately singled 
out as an object of scorn by Munich critics who castigated the entire exhibi- 
tion as the work of madmen or "morphine drunks." Composition II, wrote 
one wag, was like nothing so much as a sketch for a tapestry, and the title a 
mere excuse by an artist who could think of nothing better. 

The catalogue of the second NKVM exhibition contained the most ex- 
tensive programmatic statements yet made on the occasion of a group show 
organized by Kandinsky. In addition to a lyrical, almost messianic, procla- 
mation by Kandinsky, there were essays by Le Fauconnier, the two Burliuk 
brothers and Odilon Redon, as well as a reprint of an unsigned introduction 
to a catalogue for a Georges Rouault exhibition. The intermingling of a mul- 
tiplicity of themes and ideas, the unity in diversity represented by the con- 
junction of these essays was characteristic of Kandinsky's approach. It was a 
literary parallel both to the exhibition of heterogeneous works of art and to 
the all-embracing thematic content of his own Composition II. Le Fauconnier 
wrote of the structural basis of art, articulating an essentially Cubist point of 
view; the Burliuks drew an analogy between the traditional Russian arts of 
the lubki (or folk print), the icon and church frescoes and the best of modern 
French art from van Gogh to Matisse and Picasso; Redon spoke as a Sym- 
bolist of the "suggestive art" which can call forth dreams, and of a younger 
generation which would be more receptive to this idealistic art. The essay 
on Rouault particularly took note of his role as both artist and craftsman 
(painter and ceramist) as exemplifying an ideal union between art and life 
comparable to that of medieval times. Kandinsky's hymn to the creative act 
gave expression to the mystery and pain through which the artist creates a 
work out of conflicting elements, and of art as the "language" through which 
humans speak to one another of the "suprahuman." 

The confidence Kandinsky displayed in his artistic production and in his 
activism was reflected as well in the critical judgements he expressed in his 
reviews for the Russian journal Apollon, five of which were published in 
1910-11. He tore into the complacency and conservatism into which Munich 
had declined, and reported with obvious relish the intensity of the reactions 
provoked by the NKVM exhibitions. But more importantly the reviews docu- 
ment his observations and opinions on major artistic events that were still 
taking place in Munich. For example, the reviews particularly reveal the great 
impact exerted on Kandinsky by the major Munich exhibition of Japanese 
and East Asian Art (in the summer of 1909) and the monumental exhibition 
of Mohammedan Art in the summer of 1910. In the Japanese exhibition Kan- 
dinsky was particularly impressed by the outstanding group of woodcuts 
which, he wrote, displayed an "inner sound" that unites them in their very 
diversity. In commenting on the Mohammedan exhibition, Kandinsky noted 
that he had already become familiar with Persian miniatures in the Kaiser 
Friedrich-Museum in Berlin but was completely enchanted by them again in 


the Mohammedan show. He remarked especially on their technical virtu- 
osity, their extreme beauty, their total freedom from reality, the "sometimes 
insidious beauty of the line," the "primitiveness" of color, the "seething 
abundance" of details which nevertheless reveals an "inner realm." He mar- 
velled at the way the tiny figures seemed to be "modeled," yet at the same 
time appeared to "remain in the plane" of the picture, the magical way per- 
spective was overcome by simple devices such as turning the heads of horses 
in a team so that they are visible although one runs in a row next to the other. 
In short, he admired the artistic freedom of these virtuosos. 

In his third Apolloti review, published in April of 1910, Kandinsky com- 
mented on two exhibitions brought by Thannhauser to his Moderne Galerie 
in Munich (where the NKV.M had shown): one by the Swiss artists Cuno 
Amiet and Giovanni Giacometti, the other by a group of Fauvist painters. 
His warmest remarks were reserved for Matisse, but most interesting was his 
attack on the Fauvist method in general. Although it is often said that Kan- 
dinsky was much influenced by the Fauves during his year in Paris, there is 
little real evidence to support such a view except possibly the brightening of 
his palette after his return, and in this review he raised questions which 
clearly indicate his distance from them. While he found the Fauve's peinture 
itself beautiful, he criticized their attachment to the fortuitous details of real- 
ity. He observed that their arbitrary use of color achieved little more than the 
presentation of nature "colored in various ways, just as one may paint a 
house, a chair or a cabinet in various manners." But these differently colored 
objects remain objects and have not been "transformed" into art. He per- 
ceived that the "linear element" had not been emancipated, except in the 
work of Matisse. These artists, he wrote, have not yet developed a language 
necessary for the creation of a truly painterly composition. 

If Munich's own art scene had grown stale, nevertheless the city was still, 
perhaps more than ever before, a center of international culture, as the pres- 
ence of these exhibitions abundantly indicated. The Far and Near Eastern 
exhibitions excited international interest and visitors flocked to Munich to 
see them. Matisse made a special trip to Munich for the Mohammedan show, 
and Roger Fry reviewed it enthusiastically for The Burlington Magazine. 

While these selections from Kandinsky's reviews indicate to some degree 
the breadth of his experience and the thoughtfulness with which he ap- 
proached a wide variety of artistic phenomena, they barely begin to suggest 
the true spectrum of his interests during this period. For example, at this 
time Kandinsky and his colleagues were also discovering the attractions of 
Bavarian folk art (figs. 29, 30), especially the Hinterglasmalereien and wood 
carvings that were a cottage industry in the Murnau area. The naivete with 
which the universal religious motifs were rendered and the freshness of color 
in the glass paintings held immense appeal for Kandinsky and the artists of 
his circle, who themselves began to experiment with the medium. Not only 
were the formal simplifications, the bright colors, the crude uninhibited draw- 
ing appealing, but also the universal religious myth retold in this simple way 
carried its own impact. Kandinsky was later to state that eventually he turned 
to more universal subjects after leaving his purely Russian folk themes be- 


fig- 2-9 

Votive Painting from Parish Church of 

St. Nikolaus, Murnau 

Paint on panel 

fig. 30 

St. Luke. Upper Bavaria, ca. 1800 

Glass painting 

40. Letter to Will Grohmann, 12.10.24, ir 
Gutbrod, ed., pp. 46-47. 

41. Kandinsky, Uber das Geistige in der 
Kunst, pp. 70-71, 117, and also Eich- 
ner, p. 112. 

hind. 40 Indeed, the universal roots of the Christian myths so naively reported 
in the artifacts of the peasants held a special appeal for Kandinsky, who rec- 
ognized here the potential value of such a symbolic vehicle for communicat- 
ing his own message. 

As he was to remark in Uber das Geistige in der Kunst, objects have their 
own inner sounds and to do away with them all at once in an effort to arrive 
at pure abstraction would simply diminish the store of devices with which the 
artist communicates fundamental truths/' 1 He had already found it possible 
to suggest this inner sound of objects with the barest minimum of linear 
means. And now he discovered another device within the vast "arsenal" at 
the artist's disposal: the peasant depictions of the myths of creation, con- 
frontation, passage or death, regeneration and salvation. Kandinsky noticed 
that in the naively executed Hinterglasbilder these universal myths were 
transmitted instantaneously, without the excess baggage of culture and learn- 
ing. Such immediate transmission of eternal truth was what Kandinsky hoped 
to achieve by shedding the dross of accumulated pictorial tradition. 

During this period, a propitious result of the second NKVM exhibition 
was the meeting with Franz Marc, whose enthusiastic comment on the show 
in a letter to Thannhauser led to an immediate friendship with Kandinsky, 
who was greatly impressed by the younger artist's sensitivity to his own work 
and ideas. Indeed, at the same time that Kandinsky was composing his ec- 


42. Lankheit, Franz Marc Schriften, pp. 
116-127. It ' s interesting to note that 
Marc's comments were written in Sep- 
tember, while the critical attack com- 
paring Composition II to a sketch for a 
modern carpet or tapestry appeared in 
Kunst fiir Alle in November. 

static lines on the Mohammedan exhibition for Apollon, unbeknownst to 
him, Marc was writing: 

It is a shame that one cannot hang Kandinsky's great Composition [II] 
and others next to the Mohammedan tapestries at the Exhibition Park. 
A comparison would be unavoidable and how educational for its all! 
Wherein lies our amazed admiration of this oriental art? Does it not 
mockingly show us the one-sided limitation of our European concepts of 
paintings? Its thousand times deeper art of color and composition makes 
a shambles of our conventional theories. We have in Germany scarcely 
a decorative work, let alone a tapestry, that we could hang next to these. 
Let us try it with Kandinsky's Compositions— they will stand this dan- 
gerous test, and not as tapestry, rather as "Pictures." What artistic in- 
sight hides in this unique painter! The grand consequence of his colors 
holds the balance of his graphic freedom— is that not at the same time a 
definition of painting? 42 

By this time Kandinsky and his colleagues were preparing for the third 
exhibition of the NKVM, which was scheduled to take place in December 
of 1911. But tensions were brewing, and Kandinsky had already stepped 
down as president when Marc formally joined the group in February of that 
year. This was to be the year of the infamous Protest deutscher Kiinstler, 
published in spiteful chauvinistic fury by the Worpswede artist Carl Vinnen, 
with a long list of supporters from Germany's artistic establishment. The pro- 
testers attacked the importation of foreign art into Germany by dealers and 
museum directors, a situation which they claimed was stunting the growth 
of pure German art. The pamphlet appeared in the spring, and was imme- 
diately met with a counterattack inspired by Marc, edited by Alfred Heymel 
(publisher of the beautiful but short-lived Jugendstil journal Insel) and pub- 
lished by Piper of Munich in Kampf um die Kunst. This counterattack in- 
cluded the signatures of the most prominent non-establishment artists in 
Germany, among them Max Liebermann, Corinth, Max Pechstein, Emil Or- 
lik, Rudolf Bosselt, Henry van de Velde and, of course, Marc and Kandinsky. 
Critics and dealers who signed included Wilhelm Worringer, Hans Tietze, 
Paul Cassirer and Wilhelm Hausenstein. Kandinsky's lyrical panegyric be- 
gan: "Like the world and the cosmos equally, man consists of two elements: 
the inner and the outer. . . ." Today, he wrote, artists need the external ele- 
ment which provides structure, but in future, painting will achieve the state 
of pure art already attained by music. 

The more conservative artists of the NKVM, led by Erbsloh and Kanoldt, 
began to look askance at their colleagues. Perhaps this talk of "pure painting" 
was serious. Besides, Kandinsky was a foreigner. By August, Marc and Kan- 
dinsky were aware that the NKVM could not be held together, and Marc 
predicted in a letter to his friend Macke that a split would follow the next 
jury meeting in late fall. In fact, when the NKVM jury did convene in early 
December, a quarrel developed over the question of whether or not Kan- 
dinsky's Composition V of 1911 would be allowed in the show. Members 
were supposed to be permitted two jury-free paintings in each exhibition, so 


fig. 31 

Vasily Kandinsky 
The Blue Rider. 1903 
Oil on canvas 
Buhrle Collection, Zurich 

long as they were not over four square meters in surface. Since the majority 
of the jury opposed the painting, and since it exceeded the acceptable size by 
a few centimeters, it was to be refused. Marc tried to convince the members 
to change the rules, which in any case had never been strictly observed, but 
to no avail. Whereupon Kandinsky, Marc, Miinter and Kubin resigned at 

In 1904 Kandinsky had written to Miinter: "Art is conflict and victory 
and happiness." 43 It seemed to him now that victory was in the offing; the 
battle was engaged. 

V The Blue Rider: Exorcism and Transformation 

43. Lindsay K/M letters: 18.7.04. 

44. In a letter to Marc written on 1.9. 11, 
Macke praised Kandinsky's work in 
lyrical terms and said: "His storming 
riders are his coat of arms. . . ." (Wolf- 
gang Macke, ed., August Macke-Franz 
Marc: Briefwechsel, Cologne, DuMont 
Schauberg, 1964, p. 70.) In his article 
on "The Genesis and Meaning of the 
Cover Design for the First Blaue Reiter 
Exhibition Catalog," Art Bulletin, vol. 
xxxv, 1953, p. 49, Kenneth Lindsay 
called the horse-and-rider motif Kan- 
dinsky's "symbol of poetic inspiration." 

The horse-and-rider motif had become a dominant one in Kandinsky's work 
during the year 1911. This most consistent of his images became his personal 
emblem. 4 * 1 Before the year was out, it was to be assigned an awesome burden: 
as the Blue Rider it would carry a message of exorcism, healing and salvation 
to the world. 

From its earliest appearance around 1901 in such works as Twilight (cat. 
no. 184) as a charging knight and as the mysterious blue-coated messenger in 
The Rider (now known as The Blue Rider) of 1903 (fig. 31) to the many riders 
of the woodcuts— trumpeting messengers, flying crusaders— to the horsemen 
of the Impressions, Improvisations and early Compositions, the motif had 
symbolized encounter, battle and quest. Now leaping, lyrical, victorious, the 
horse and rider became a veritable symbol of encounter, breakthrough and 
transformation. In Lyrical of 19 11 (cat. no. 267), he was transformed into a 
heroic figure of monumental proportions, dwarfing the landscape; and in Ro- 


fig. 3- 

Vasily Kandinsky 

Romantic Landscape. 191 1 

Oil on canvas 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 

haus, Munich 

45. Kandinsky to Marc, 19.611, quoted in 
Klaus Lankheit, ed., The Blaue Reiter 
Almanac edited by Kandinsky and 
Marc, documentary edition, New York, 
The Viking Press, 1974, pp. 15-16. 

46. Marc to Macke, 8.9.1 1, quoted in 
Wolfgang Macke, pp. 72-74. Instead 
of Sindelsdorf, Marc wrote his address 
at the top of the letter as "Symbolds- 
dingen" a playful comment on this 
symbolic enterprise. 

47. Kandinsky, letter to Paul Westheim in 
Das Kunstblatt, xiv, 1930, pp. 57-60. 

mantle Landscape, joined by two others, he plunged down a rocky precipice 
(fig. 32). Then in rapid succession that same year, the horse and rider became 
St. George slaying the dragon, a St. George almost recklessly cavalier, in 
three major paintings and several glass paintings, watercolors, woodcuts and 
sketches (for example, cat. nos. 318, 319 and fig. 33). The horseback saint 
appeared in other works as well: in two entitled All Saints (one on glass) 
and in the glass painting Composition with Saints. But his most enduring 
and significant embodiment was to appear on the cover of the Blaue Reiter 
almanac (cat. nos. 311-317, 365). 

In June of 1911 Kandinsky had written to Marc about his idea of found- 
ing a new art journal, a yearly almanac, that would represent, in his words, 
"a link with the past and a ray into the future. . . ." It would be both "mirror" 
and complex synthesis: "a Chinese [work] next to a Rousseau, a folk print 
next to a Picasso . . . [we will include] writers and musicians. . . ." 45 Klaus 
Lankheit has described in detail the mounting excitement through the sum- 
mer and autumn as plans for the almanac moved forward. By September they 
were ready to make a public announcement, and Marc revealed their plans 
for the first time to August Macke in a veritable ecstasy, writing that the 
publication had become "our whole dream." Describing their concept of 
presenting illustrations of folk and ethnic art together with examples of 
modern art, he added: "We have hopes for so much [that is] healing and 
inspirational from it."' 6 In fact, the concept of the book as an agent of heal- 
ing, even of exorcism and salvation, was to be reflected not only in its title, 
but in the selection and arrangement of the illustrations. The title was also 
chosen sometime in September and because, as Kandinsky was later to ex- 
plain, "we both loved blue, Marc— horses, I— riders." 47 By that time, Kan- 
dinsky had already defined blue in his manuscript for Uber das Geistige in 

fig- 33 

Vasily Kandinsky 

St. George 1. 191 1 

Glass painting 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 

bachhaus, Munich 

, Marc to Macke, 12.4. 11, quoted in 
Wolfgang Macke, pp. 52-53. For more 
detailed information on the meeting 
of Kandinsky and Klee, see Christian 
Geelhaar, "Paul Klee: Biographische 
Chronologie," and Charles W. Haxt- 
hausen, "Klees kiinstlerisches Verhalt- 
nis zu Kandinsky wahrend der 
Miinchner Jahre," in Armin Zweite, 
ed., Paul Klee: Das Friibwerk 1SS3- 
1922, Munich, Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, 1979, pp. 27, 98, 127. 

der Kunst as "the typical heavenly color," and St. George had become a 
dominant figure in his painting. The Blue Rider's symbolic function was not 
in doubt. Thus, when faced with the pressing need for a title for their "seces- 
sionist" exhibition, they were ready: it became the Erste Ansstellung der 
Redaktion der Blane Reiter (First Exhibition of the Editorial Board of the 
Blaite Reiter). 

Not only Marc but other catalysts entered Kandinsky's magnetic field in 
1 9 1 1. The auspicious meeting with Marc was soon followed by encounters 
with other figures in the arts. On the day after New Year's 19 n, Kandinsky 
and Marc, together with other members of the NKVM, attended a concert 
of music by the Viennese composer Arnold Schonberg, which precipitated 
another stimulating contact. By autumn Kandinsky had met Marc's friend 
Macke, and his uncle and patron Bernhard Koehler, as well as Klee, who had 
been his neighbor for some time. For the first time Kandinsky felt himself 
surrounded by a circle of admiring colleagues capable of understanding his 
intellectual and aesthetic message. Buoyed by their moral support, he was 
ready to take the reins of artistic leadership. 

The stupendous momentum now engendered was discharged in Kan- 
dinsky's production of some forty or more major paintings, many glass pic- 
tures, watercolors, sketches and woodcuts. At the same time he worked on 
the final details of the manuscripts for Uber das Geistige and also produced 
the woodcuts for the book's vignettes and cover, where the horse and rider 
would assume a place of honor. He served as the rallying point for Marc's 
drive to publish the counterattack to Vinnen's Protest and contributed an 
essay to it/' 8 Together with Marc, he forged plans for the almanac, maintain- 
ing a prodigious correspondence and actively seeking ways to fund the proj- 
ect. He worked on two major essays for the almanac and revised his color 


49. Indeed, the secession from the NKVM 
may well have been intentionally 
forced, as is suggested between the lines 
of Marc's correspondence with Macke 
during the months from August to 
December i<jr i. Even as early as Feb- 
ruary of that year, Marc had reported 
that Erbsloh and Kanoldt were in op- 
position to Kandinsky (letter to Maria 
Franck, 13.1.11, partially quoted in 
Gollek, Franz Marc 1880-1916, Mu- 
nich, Prestel Verlag, 1980, p. 34). As 
has been noted, by August he reported 
that it was clear to both of them a 
break was in the offing. In fact, the 
artificial quarrel over the size of Com- 
position V might have been breached 
had Kandinsky been willing to substi- 
tute another painting. The equally 
important Composition IV would have 
fit the required measure and could 
therefore have been hung without jury 
approval. Obviously, breaching the 
argument was not the point; both 
parties must have felt that the schism 
was inevitable. In fact, Kandinsky 
later recalled that he and Marc had 
prepared for this eventuality and thus 
were ready immediately to provide 
Thannhauser with an alternate selec- 
tion for a separate exhibition. 

50. Wilhelm MicheI,"Kandinsky, W. 
Ueber das Geistige in der Kunst," in 
Kunst fiir Allc, September 15, 1911, 
p. 580. 

opera notes to produce the scenario for Der gelbe Klang, which would con- 
clude the publication. Concurrently, he exhibited in Paris, Cologne, Berlin, 
Weimar and Odessa and wrote reviews for Apollon. 

Thus the schism with the NKVM that occurred on December 2, 191 1, 
must be seen within the context of this frenetic period as just another, not 
unexpected hurdle in the race. Within a scant two weeks the Editorial Board 
of the Blaite Reiter was prepared to mount a modest exhibition of forty-three 
works by diverse artists— an exhibition that was to become a legend. 49 The 
catalogue (cat. no. 366) was equally modest in extent— five small pages that 
incorporated Kandinsky's brief statement of purpose: "In this small exhibi- 
tion we seek to propagate not one precise and special form, rather we propose 
to show in the diversity of the represented forms how the inner wish of the 
artist is variously shaped." Announcement of the coming publication of the 
Blane Reiter almanac was included, and Kandinsky's manifesto JJber das 
Geistige in der Kunst appeared in time for the exhibition. 

Kandinsky was represented with one example of each of his three cate- 
gories of paintings: Composition V, Improvisation 21 and Impression— Mos- 
cow. The other exhibitors were: Marc, Macke, Miinter, Schonberg, Henri 
Rousseau, the Burliuk brothers, Heinrich Campendonk, Robert Delaunay, 
Kahler, Elizabeth Epstein, Jean Bloe Niestle and Albert Bloch. (All but 
Niestle, an animal painter and friend of Marc, and Epstein, a student of 
Kahler, would be represented by illustrations in the pages of the Blane 
Reiter almanac.) Both the exhibition and the almanac were intentionally 
shocking. Next to Niestle's ultra-realistic and tenderly rendered paintings of 
birds, in which even the most unsophisticated viewer could read a message 
and observe the high technical virtuosity of the artist, hung the crude other- 
wordly visions of Schonberg, the non-artist (cat. no. 340); and next to Schon- 
berg, the naive renderings of Rousseau, whose work Kandinsky had already 
compared to Schonberg's as exemplifying what he called "the great realism" 
in painting. Near Kahler's small, finely drawn Garden of Love, hung De- 
launay's large Eiffel Tower, its subject depicted in an alarming state of ex- 
plosive dissolution, and his City with its obscuring veil of spots daring the 
viewer to find the tipped roofs of barely identifiable buildings. Marc's monu- 
mental painting of an unlikely yellow cow kicking up her heels in unbovine 
rhapsody (cat. no. 303) provided a dazzling contrast to Kandinsky's even 
larger Composition V (cat. no. 300), with its muted color and seemingly im- 
penetrable hieroglyphics. 

This year of incredible creativity and activity culminated, then, in the 
tandem events of the exhibition that once and for all proclaimed Kandinsky 
the leader of the new movement toward pure painting and the publication of 
his manifesto JJber das Geistige in der Kunst: the public pronouncement both 
in practice and in theory of his ultimate transformation, of his leap to ab- 
stract art. 

But even friendly critics such as Wilhelm Michel, with whom Kandinsky 
had corresponded (and who was also a personal friend of Klee), found it 
difficult to respond to what Michel termed Kandinsky's "hieroglyphic" art. 50 
For Kandinsky this reaction was grist for the mill; he had already diagnosed 


51. Kandinsky, liber das Geistige in der 
Kunst, p. 2.2.. 

52. Ibid., p. 34. 

53. Ibid., p. 135. 

54. Kandinsky, "Uber die Formfrage," in 
Der Blaue Reiter, Munich, R. Piper &C 
Co., 1912., p. 94. 

55. Kandinsky, "Ruckblicke," p. xxvn. 

the problem as a rift within the soul of contemporary society. At the begin- 
ning of Uber das Geistige he had written: "In our soul there is a crack and 
it rings, when and if one is even able to touch it, like a precious vase long hid- 
den in the depths of the earth which has been found again and which has in it 
a crack." 51 This inner fracture, caused by the nightmare of our materialistic 
epoch, makes it impossible for the modern soul to ring when touched by the 
subtle vibrations the artist seeks to evoke by means of his work. But there is 
an art, an art dependent not on styles and timely modes, which follows only 
the impulse of "inner necessity" and has an inspiring, prophetic power and is 
capable of healing the crack in the inner soul of mankind. This new art of 
"inner necessity," which has for its content not the trappings of the material- 
istic world view but pure "artistic content," would rescue art from the false 
emphasis on technique characteristic of the present time, and would restore 
to it a "full healthy life" without which neither art, nor man, nor a people 
can live. 52 

The artist is obliged, if he is honest and sincere, to attempt to fill the 
cracks in the soul, which effectively separate him from his public; he must 
dedicate himself, Kandinsky maintained, to "higher purposes" which are 
"precise, great and sanctified." 53 He must educate himself in his craft, and 
develop his own soul so that his external talent has "something to put on." 
He must "have something to say," because his obligation is not the mastery 
of form, but rather the suiting of form (and Kandinsky meant any form) to 
that content, which must arise freely out of the artist's innermost soul. The 
artist is no "Sunday child," he is not free in life, only in art. 

With remarkable concision Kandinsky traced the recent history of art, 
citing those artists who, he felt, had done most to reach out and bring the 
cracked vase back to "ringing," noting that the Pre-Raphaelites and the 
Symbolists had mirrored this flawed condition of the modern soul. Of con- 
temporary artists, he suggested that Matisse with color and Picasso with 
form were pointing the way to the future. He discussed the technical prob- 
lems of contemporary art, suggesting that the path to restoration would be 
through a monumental synthesis of all the arts (the Gesamtkunstwerk), on 
the one hand, and, on the other, through a more complete and precise study 
of the singular effects of the fundamental elements of each independent art. 
As an example of such a study he included a bold chapter on the psycholog- 
ical effects of color, in which he took particular note of recent experiments in 
the therapeutic effects of color, or "chromotherapy." The art of the future, he 
predicted, would produce two equally effective modes, "pure abstraction" 
and "pure realism" (by which he meant the kind of naive realism of Rous- 
seau). 51 Kandinsky later stated that the purpose of his two books, Uber das 
Geistige in der Kunst and the almanac, was to "call forth the capacity of 
humanity to experience the spiritual in material things, in abstract things." 55 
This, in effect, was to be a healing act, an act intended to repair that rift in 
the cracked vase of the modern soul. 

The creation of the Blaue Reiter almanac may in fact be seen as an apot- 
ropaic act, an act at once of exorcism and magical healing, a "medicine 
book," prescribed to restore a society diseased with the multiple ills of mate- 


56. At almost the same moment Thomas 
Mann was developing the idea of his 
great metaphorical novel of disease 
and health. The Magic Mountain, be- 
gun in 1911 in Munich. See Mann, 
"(^in the Spirit of Medicine," quoted 
in Joseph Campbell, The Masks of 
God: Creative Mythology, New York, 
Penguin Books, 1968, pp. 312-315. 

57. As Lankheit and Lindsay have both 
noted, the editors had taken great 
pains with the number, size and place- 
ment of the illustrations (cf. Lankheit, 
ed., The Blatie Reiter Almanac, p. 38). 
In fact, they had undertaken this task 
with such /eal that their publisher, 
Reinhard Piper, was forced to repri- 
mand them and to point out that their 
"independent" actions particularly in 
respect to number and size of the 
plates had increased the costs of the 
book (cf. Reinhard Piper, Briefirechsel 
mit Alitor en mid Kiitistlern 190 3-19 J3, 
Munich, R. Piper & Co., 1979, p. 118). 

58. This aim is documented in Piper's let- 
ter, ibid., in which he also complained 
that the editors had set the price too 
low out of the "quite correct presump- 
tion" that a "propaganda sheet" 
should not be too expensive. 

59. W. H. Roscher, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon 
Griechischen and Romischen Myth- 
ologie, Leipzig, Verlag B. G. Teubner, 
1884-86, pp. 435-441, 411-416; Joseph 
Campbell, The Masks of God, Occi- 
dental Mythology, New York, Penguin 
Books, 1964, pp. 24, 296; Edith Hamil- 
ton, Mythology, New York, Mentor 
Books, 1957, pp. 30-31. 

60. I ankheit's documentary edition of the 
almanac includes the inscriptions under 
the votive pictures which were omitted 
in the almanac; these document the 
specific cures effected by the prayers of 
the faithful. 

rialism. From St. George, the "Blue Rider" on the cover, to the literary con- 
tents, to one after another of the illustrations, the book was clearly intended 
by its editors to have a curative effect. 5|S A great many of the illustrations 
selected for the almanac by Kandinsky and Marc represent art and artifacts 
expressly related to exorcism, healing, regeneration, salvation, miraculous 
occurrences or personages, and the like. 57 St. George appears not only on the 
cover, where he is accompanied by his serpent and bound maiden (represent- 
ing materialism and society respectively), but in three other illustrations: 
Miinter's painting Still Life with St. George (cat. no. 38), a German litho- 
graph and a Russian folk sculpture in which he is slaying a seven-headed 
hydra. The heroic, leaping horseman of Kandinsky's Lyrical (cat. no. 267) 
appears as well, as does his trumpet-blowing horseman on the back cover. 

The first illustration in the book is a Bavarian mirror painting, hand- 
somely reproduced and hand-colored, depicting another saint on horseback, 
St. Martin, sharing his coat with the beggar (fig. 34). The reference here is 
unmistakably to the announced aims of the manifesto: to share what Marc 
called in his opening essay "the spiritual treasures" of art with a wide pub- 
lic. 58 Kandinsky's color woodcut Archer was included as an additional fron- 
tispiece in the deluxe edition of the almanac. Recalling Kandinsky's promise 
of the restorative power of art and Marc's expressed hope for "so much 
healing," we might identify this rider as Apollo, the Archer-God, who first 
taught men the art of healing. Also known in mythology as Phoebus, god of 
light and truth, he is said to have killed a monstrous serpent with his silver 
bow and arrow, and his arrows were often likened to rays of light. 59 Thus, 
Apollo would be a fitting companion to the Blue Rider. 

A major reference to the magical healing the editors hoped to effect 
through art appears in the early pages of the almanac: this is the full-page 
reproduction of a mosaic from the Cathedral of San Marco in Venice, de- 
picting the miraculous apparition of St. Mark's body. Since St. Mark's gospel 
is the primary source of the tales of Christ's miraculous exorcisms, healings 
and raisings from the dead, the selection of this particular work as an illus- 
tration for a book with similar aims can hardly be considered coincidental. 
References to miraculous healing powers are particularly remarkable in the 
illustrations selected to accompany Kandinsky's major essay "Uber die Form- 
frage" ("On the Question of Form"). These include five Bavarian votive 
pictures, each given a full page. All five pictures are from the parish church 
of St. Nikolaus in Murnau (which is further distinguished by a sculpture of 
St. George and the dragon). And all five represent scenes of exorcism, healing 
or salvation (fig. 29). In each case, the naive artist has painted a representation 
of Mary as Queen of Heaven floating in the upper center of the panel above 
the scene documenting the miraculous occurrence/'" Two other miracle pic- 
tures grace the essay, one a Bavarian glass painting depicting Mary and the 
Descent of the Holy Ghost (as tongues of fire) and the other (of unidentified 
origin) representing the dormition of a saint, perhaps Mary. Opposite the 
conclusion of the essay is a full-page reproduction of Miinter's 5//// Life with 
St. George. 


%• 34 

St. Martin and the Beggar 

Hand-colored tracing of Bavarian mirror 

painting, frontispiece Blaue Reiter 


Collection Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 

haus, Munich 

But perhaps the most startling juxtaposition of healing motifs is the ap- 
pearance back to back of Kandinsky's Composition V and van Gogh's 1890 
Portrait of Dr. Gachet (fig. 35). The sequence is introduced just a page earlier 
by a Bavarian glass painting depicting St. Luke (fig. 30), and is directly fol- 
lowed by a Japanese woodcut (fig. 36). Van Gogh's portrait of Dr. Paul 
Gachet, the eccentric physician who attended him during his last weeks 
at Auvers, includes in the foreground the symbol of the doctor's craft, the 
foxglove flower, wilting but still the source of the medicinal digitalis (stimu- 
lant, by the way, to the heart). In his essay for the almanac, "The Masks," 
Macke had commented on the portrait of Dr. Gachet, comparing it to the 
Japanese woodcut which appears directly opposite it: "Does not the portrait 
of Dr. Gachet by van Gogh derive from a similar spiritual life as that of the 
astonished caricature of the Japanese magician cut into the wood block?" 
The comparison of the act of healing with an act of artistic conjuration (for a 
Gaukler, as Macke calls the Japanese figure, is an artist of conjuration, of 
legerdemain) is further demonstration of the message of the book. The name 
digitalis, of course, is derived from the German name for foxglove, Fingerhut 
or "finger-hat," that is, "digit-hat." The reference to digits is particularly apt 
here in the context of the Japanese Gaukler with his fingers spread, the finger- 
artist or prestidigitator. The physician, like the painter and the sleight-of- 
hand artist, employs large doses of illusion in effecting his cure or trick. And 
all three offer a tonic for the heart or soul of mankind. 

fig- 35 

Vincent van Gogh 

Portrait of Dr. Gachet. Auvers, June 1890 

Oil on canvas 

Collection Musee du Louvre, Paris 

fig. 36 

Utagawa Kuniyoshi 

Two Chinese Warriors of the Han 

Dynasty. 19th century 

Japanese woodcut 

Estate of Franz Marc, Courtesy Galerie 

Stangl, Munich 


fig- 37 

Pongwe Mask. Gabon 
Collection Bernisches Historischcs Mu- 
seum, Ethnographische Abreilung, Bern 

61. It is possible that the editors were un- 
aware of this particular mask's purpose 
since, although correctly identified as 
"Pongwe," its characteristically oriental 
features apparently misled them to also 
label it as "Chinese?" in the list of 

6z. Recent scholarship has indicated rather 
precise relationships between the text 
of the scenario for Der gelbe KLmg and 
the accompanying illustrations (see the 
revealing study by Susan Stein, "The 
Ultimate Synthesis: An Interpretation 
of the Meaning and Significance of 
Wassily Kandinsky's The Yellow 
Sound," Master's thesis, State Univer- 
sity of New York at Binghamton, 

63. Kandinsky, Uber dels Geistige in der 
Kuust, pp. 110-12.1. 

In the same paragraph Macke states that: "What the wilting flowers are 
for the portrait of the European physician, the wilting corpses are to the 
Mask of the Conjurer of Disease." He was referring to the Ceylonese Dance 
Mask (cat. no. 306) which was reproduced full-page between the first and 
second "pictures" or scenes of Kandinsky's color opera Der gelbe Klang. This 
mask was used specifically for exorcising the demons of disease. Through 
the efficacy of the medicinal flower, life is stimulated; through death, true 
spiritual life and resurrection. Another illustration for Macke's essay is a 
small ceramic figure of the Mexican god Xipe Totec, known as The Flayed 
God (cat. no. 304). In Aztec mythology Xipe Totec is associated with the 
miracle of spring, of regeneration and rebirth. His figure appears just under 
Macke's assertion of the relationship between van Gogh's portrait of Dr. 
Gachet and the Ceylonese Dance Mask. 

The introduction of the Composition V— Dr. Gachet— conjurer sequence 
by St. Luke, the saint who was himself both physician and painter, and who 
became the patron saint of both physicians and painters, was particularly apt. 
In the glass painting he is shown together with his attributes, the palette and 
paint brushes, the ox of sacrifice and the book of his gospel. The implication 
is clear, indeed overwhelming, that the editors considered Kandinsky's Com- 
position V appropriately placed between St. Luke, the physician-painter, and 
Dr. Gachet, the physician to painters. The painting's curative mission was 
thus revealed. In the context of the almanac as "medicine book," then, the 
resurrection theme of Composition V becomes intelligible as an expression 
of faith in the restorative and transforming powers of art as spiritual "medi- 
cine" prescribed by the physician-artist. 

This remarkable series of illustrations and allusions occurs within the 
pages of the almanac devoted to Kandinsky's second major essay "Uber 
Biihnenkomposition" ("On Stage Composition"), in which he discusses his 
vision of theater as the appropriate arena for a great synthesis of the arts, for 
that great healing of the fractured vase. His prescription for this act of syn- 
thesis is a return to the source of "inner necessity." Music, dance and color, 
stripped of their references to externals are to be joined "on the ground of 
inner being." The essay is introduced with an illustration of a Pongwe mask 
(fig. 37) from the Ogawe River area in Gabon, a mask worn by stilt dancers 
of the Mashango to personify the individual who returns from the dead/' 1 
And indeed, the almanac culminates in the scenario for Kandinsky's mod- 
ern miracle play, the color opera Der gelbe Klang, which itself climaxes in 
an unmistakable symbolic vision of resurrection/' 2 

The dominant and most striking visual element of Composition V is the 
great black linear device, which, like a whiplash, sweeps out across the upper 
portion of the canvas, widening from right to left and curving back toward 
the center of the picture where it ends abruptly in a welter of indistinct flower- 
like forms. In Uber das Geistige in der Kunst Kandinsky admonished the 
viewer who, trained by his materialistic background, would search for rem- 
nants of reality, clues to a discursive description of content, in his paintings. 
Such a viewer, he warned, would miss the "inner life" of the painting. Yet 
in the case of Composition V, the artist himself committed the "error" of pro- 


fig- 38 

Vasily Kandinsky 

All Saints' Day I. 1 9 1 1 

Glass painting 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 

bachhaus, Munich 

64. Eichner, p. 115. 

65. Washton Long has provided a thorough 
analysis of many of these literal the- 
matic images in her publications (cf. 
Washton Long, op. cit.). It may be sug- 
gested here that, in the context of the 
present interpretation, the two broth- 
erly saints, with their arms about each 
other (identified by Washton Long as 
"entwined couple") in several paintings 
of All Saints' Day (e.g., GMS 71, 107 
[fig. 38], 122) were intended to repre- 
sent Cosmas and Damian; these were 
the physician saints who practiced mir- 
aculous healing and were eventually 
martyred by decapitation after other 
attempts to kill them, by drowning, for 
example, had failed. However, none of 
Kandinsky's themes should be exclu- 
sively associated with a single Biblical 
myth, since, despite his awareness of 
Christian beliefs and traditions and of 
the theosophist writings of Mme Bla- 
vatsky and Rudolf Steiner, the artist 
was undoubtedly far more interested in 
the universality of such ideas. In any 
case, the universal character of the 
myths was confirmed in the churches 
and the folk art of Bavaria which Kan- 
dinsky encountered every day. His in- 
terest in the universality of the mythic 
imagination was documented in a let- 
ter to his biographer, Will Grohmann, 
in which he described his evolution 
from a personal "yearning for Russia" 
(expressed in such early works as Mot- 
ley Life) to the universal experience 

of humanity (the Allgemeinmenschli- 
chem). See Kandinsky letter to Groh- 
mann of 12.10.24, in Gutbrod, ed., pp. 
46-47. The variety of mythic sources 
represented in the illustrations selected 
for the almanac attests to this search 
for universal content which was char- 
acteristic of the period (James G. 
Frazer's The Golden Bough was first 
published in 1890, for example). 

viding a literal clue. In notes for a lecture planned for presentation in Cologne 
in 1914 but never delivered, he stated emphatically that only two of his Com- 
positions were based on specific themes. The theme for Composition V, he 
wrote, was taken from the Auferstehung (Resurrection), and that for Com- 
position VI from the Sintflut (Deluge). "There was a certain boldness," he 
admitted, "in taking such used up themes as a starting point to pure painting. 
It was for me a test of strength, which in my opinion, came out well." 64 In 
other words, the thematic content was there, but to be overcome, to be trans- 

In any case, the impact of the dominant black painterly line in Com- 
position V is compelling. It has the effect of a sudden loud noise; its form 
suggests a trumpet. As we have seen, the artist himself has revealed the deri- 
vation of the painting from the Resurrection theme, and with this loud visual 
noise he seems to bring us to the contemplation of a mystery: 

Behold I shew you a mystery: We shall not all sleep, but shall all be 


In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye at the last trump: for the trumpet 

shall sound, and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we shall be 


Corinthians ij:ji-jz 

While the theme of Resurrection appears throughout the Bible (in both the 
Old and New Testaments, in the Gospels as well as in the Revelations to St. 
John), this particular image from St. Paul's first letter to the Corinthians, in 
which the writer discourses on the mystery of the Resurrection, is strikingly 
suggestive of the great trumpet call signified by the dramatic central motif of 
Composition V. 

Nevertheless, and despite the fact that we now know the artist incorpo- 
rated into the composition a plethora of images from several other works 
with more or less related themes, such as All Saints' Day and the Last Judge- 
ment (fig. 38), the painting as a whole must be taken as Kandinsky intended 
—that is, as a statement about the universal theme of resurrection within the 
context of an ailing society in need of the medicine of the soul offered by art. 65 


66. These two works also exhibit a sym- 
bolic similarity. The Persian miniature 
represents the stor) of Iskandar (Alex- 
ander the Great) who, while on a jour- 
ney with the prophets Elias and Khizr, 
loses his way in the "land of darkness," 
where he is called by Israfil, the Angel 
of Death (counterpart of the Archangel 
Michael), blowing on his trumpet. The 
two prophets, however, discover the 
Fountain of Life. Israfil's trumpet is a 
typical Persian instrument, but its seven 
"bells" are imaginary and intended to 
symbolize its sounds. I am indebted to 
Marie Swietochowski of the Islamic 
Department and to Kenneth Moore of 
the Musical Instruments Department of 
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 
New York, for their expert help in in- 
terpreting this work, which confirmed 
my original suppositions. 

67. Richard Ettinghausen, "Early Shadow 
Figures," Bulletin of the American In- 
stitute for Persian Art and Archaeology, 
no. 6, June 1934. A more recent study 
is by Metin And, Karagoz: Turkish 
Shadow Theatre, Ankara, Dost Yayin- 
lari, 1975. Many of the ethnic artifacts 
included in the almanac were on dis- 
play in Munich at the Volkerkundemu- 
seum. Undoubtedly both Marc and 
Kandinsky visited the museum and saw 
the objects themselves. Marc, in fact, 
described one such visit in a letter to 
Macke in January of 1911 (at just about 
the same time he was becoming friendly 
with Kandinsky). See the Macke-Marc 
Briefwechsel, p. 39. They also knew the 
Egyptian shadow-play puppets at first- 
hand: through his brother Paul, a Byz- 
antine specialist, Marc met the Islamic 
historian Professor Paul Kahle and ex- 
amined his private collection. Because 
of their fragility (they were made of 
leather), not many of the puppets have 
survived intact. According to one 
source. Marc reassembled one for color 
reproduction in the almanac, although 
in actuality, the puppets were generally 
blackened from the smoke of the lamps 
used to illuminate them. (Cf. Clara B. 
Wilpert, Schattentheater, Hamburg, 
Hamburgisches Museum fur Volker- 
kunde, 1973, P- 75-) 

68. Interest in shadow-play theater was 
widespread among Symbolist artists 
and writers at the turn of the century 
(cf. Weiss, p. 99 and passim). 

69. See Jelena Hahl-Koch, "Kandinsky's 
Role in the Russian Avant-Garde," The 
Avant-Garde in Russia 1910-1950, Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1980, 
pp. 84-90. 

From a strictly compositional, structural point of view, the graphic de- 
vice of the extended "trumpet-motif" may well have been suggested by 
images Kandinsky had observed in the Persian illuminations at the Moham- 
medan exhibition in 1910— for example in the painting illustrated the same 
year in Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst (fig. 39). Here the dom- 
inant motif is the long trumpet of an angel, with its sound rendered quite 
graphically, serving much the same compositional purpose as the trumpet in 
Kandinsky's Composition V. 66 Further, the many disparate events crowding 
the picture plane in this illumination recall Kandinsky's method not only in 
Composition V, but in Composition II and earlier in Motley Life (fig. 21). 
Kandinsky had particularly remarked on the Persian representation of teem- 
ing detail in his review of the Mohammedan exhibition for Apollon. 

Throughout the pages of the almanac, reproductions of Egyptian shadow- 
play figures proliferate. Based on Islamic shadow-theater precedents, the fili- 
greed puppets reflected the ancient doctrinal prescriptions on the belief that 
worldly phenomena are "merely the illusory medium through which the soul 
acts in the world."" 7 They were particularly appealing to the editors of the 
Blane Reiter because of their obvious symbolism: shadow figures come to life 
only when illuminated by the divine fire of the artist. Like Kandinsky's color 
opera Der gelbe Klang, they depend for life on light. Metaphorically art must 
be illuminated by the light of "inner necessity" which springs from the inner- 
most being of the artist. 68 

There are many more indications in the almanac of the editors' symbolic 
intentions, but it is clear even from this necessarily condensed discussion that 
the Blane Reiter carried a rich complex of messages to the world, with an 
emphasis on art as a universal medicine for the human soul. 

VI Conclusion: To the Edge of Abstraction 

With the Blane Reiter almanac and exhibitions and the publication of Uber 
das Geistige in der Knnst, Kandinsky's activities in 1911-12. as organizer and 
leader of the new movement had reached their apex. Now the Blue Rider— 
and there is no doubt that, as Eichner has suggested, Kandinsky identified 
himself with the crusader on horseback— turned to the practical pursuit of his 
vision. For he saw that the transformation he sought had not yet been entirely 
achieved. Although the almanac itself exemplified in the best sense the kind 
of synthesis, or Gesamtkttnstiverk, its editors had intended, still Kandinsky 
hoped for more radical realizations of his goals. 

During the following two years he continued to exhibit at Der Sturm in 
Berlin and elsewhere, and he traveled to Russia where he kept up a lively, 
though not always happy, dialogue with the younger generation of avant- 
garde artists represented by the Burliuks, Natalia Goncharova, Mikhail 
Larionov and others. 6 '' And within his own oeuvre, he now intensified his 
efforts in four directions: toward a further emancipation from reality in his 
painting; toward completion of another Gesamtknnstwerk publication, this 


fig- 39 

Persian Miniature. 17th century 
Shown at Exhibition of Mohammedan 
Art, Munich, 1910, reproduced in Miinch- 
ner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 1910, 
Bd. I 

70. Kandinsky letter to Will Grohmann, 
quoted in Gutbrod, ed., p. 45 (July 

71. Kandinsky called the painting Bild mit 
weissem Rand, literally Picture with 
White Edge. While the traditional 
translation of the word "Rand" has 
been "Border," the word "Edge" is 
both more accurate and more appropri- 
ate. In his description of the painting 
in Riickblicke (p. xxxxi), Kandinsky 
spoke of the white strip as a wave 
breaking, that is as at the "edge" of the 
sea. Further, the white strip only edges 
along two sides and part of another; it 
does not surround the picture as would 
a border. 

72. Kandinsky to Miinter, quoted in Eich- 
ner, p. 105 (14.10.12). 

73. Lindsay K/M letters: 22.11.03. 

combining woodcuts and poems; toward the realization of his dream of a 
"theater of the future"; and toward his vision of an aesthetically determined 
environment within the context of architecture ("my old dream" he called it 
much later in a letter to Will Grohmann 70 ). 

In Painting with White Border, 1913 (cat. no. 323), Kandinsky once more 
associated the rider on horseback with his personal battle to wrest painting 
from traditional modes and transform it into pure abstraction. 71 Once more 
St. George, the eternal Blue Rider, was to stand for his own need to move 
forward to conflict and victory. In a letter written to Miinter on his way to 
Odessa and Moscow in October of 1912, Kandinsky again gave expression 
to the self-doubt that had plagued him in the early years: his feelings were, he 
said, even "more mixed now when new paintings by me are purchased. For 
a long while I sat on a high, lonely tower. Now I am no longer alone. Is the 
tower still so high?" 72 It was St. George on horseback who had stood on the 
high tower in the square in Rothenburg so many years ago (fig. 40), in that 
medieval town Kandinsky and Miinter had visited together in 1903. And 
after that earlier encounter, Kandinsky had written to Miinter: "for those 
things that are theoretically ready . . . one must yet find an appropriate 
form. . . ." 73 

fig. 40 

Main Square in Rothenburg ob der 

Tauber with Herterichbrunnen and St. 

George, 1446 

Kandinsky and Miinter painted here in 

November 1903 


fig- 41 

Vastly Kandinsky 

Untitled (Knight and Dragon). 

ca. 1903-04 

Pencil on paper 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 

bachhaus, Munich 

74. A thorough discussion of the develop- 
ment of the sketches and painting is to 
be found in Angelica Rudenstine, The 
Guggenheim Museum Collection: 
Paintings 1880-1945, New York. The 
Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation, 
1976, vol. I, pp. 256-163. 

Immediately on his return from the trip to Russia just before Christmas 
of 19 1 z, Kandinsky began sketches for Paintijig with White Border. Now he 
again reached back in memory to one of his earliest depictions of St. George's 
conflict with the dragon, a tiny drawing in a notebook of about 1903-04 (fig. 
41). This early drawing resembles the prototype created by Walter Crane in 
his famous painting St. George's Battle with the Dragon or England's Em- 
blem (fig. 2), which had been exhibited in Munich in the 1890s. The direction 
of the action is the same (the knight moves from left to right), and in the back- 
ground Kandinsky suggests Crane's city polluted by materialism. But what 
a difference in the relative sizes of the protagonists! Kandinsky's dragon is a 
colossus, the charging knight utterly dwarfed by his gigantic opponent. A 
zinc plate of the same subject by Kandinsky exists in which the serpent has 
become even more threatening by virtue of its raised position on a hilltop. 
This was no doubt expressive, if subconsciously so, of the situation Kan- 
dinsky felt himself to be in at the time— both in his illicit relationship to 
Miinter and in his inner striving to discover a new form in art. But by the 
triumphant years of 1911-12 and his great series of St. George paintings, 
relative sizes and positions were reversed: the saint had achieved his proper 
proportions and place, and the much-diminished dragon was sometimes even 
made to look foolish (cat. no. 319). Now, in harking back to the composi- 
tional structure of the earlier picture, Kandinsky directs the action as it would 
have appeared in an etching from the zinc plate: the crusader charges from 
right to left and is placed in the raised position, while the dragon is lower. 

The early sketches for Fainting with White Border demonstrate his pains- 
taking efforts to develop a viable hieroglyph for the crusader-St. George 
motif (cat. no. 324). The conflict between knight and dragon may also be seen 
as a metaphor for Kandinsky's battle to liberate the graphic line from its tra- 
ditional role in drawing and transform it into a painterly element. He had 
already developed a prototype for such a hieroglyph in the watercolor With 
Three Riders of 191 1 (cat. no. 322). Now he modified it, evolving both a 
"troika" motif and the St. George motif. 7 ' For the first time Kandinsky found 
himself able to make a truly daring leap toward total abstraction. In one of 
the preparatory sketches for Painting with White Border (cat. no. 325), the 


fig. 42 

Walter Crane 

The Horses of Neptune. 1892 

Oil on canvas 

Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, 


75. For a more detailed discussion of the 
transformation of the horse and rider 
motif into a circle, see Weiss, pp. 128- 
132 and passim. 

76. Lindsay K/M letters: 3.4.04. 

horse and rider are enveloped entirely by the circle into which they ultimately 
would be transformed in the postwar years. In the transformation of graphic 
sketch to painting, the circle became a circular blue wash. 75 

In an essay he wrote for the album which accompanied his exhibition at 
the gallery of Der Sturm in 1913, Kandinsky identified the action in this paint- 
ing only as "Kampf in Weiss und Schwarz" (battle in white and black). He 
did not specifically identify the rider-crusader-St. George in those terms, but 
he had no need to do so. To him it seemed perfectly obvious: "the middle is 
thus very simple and completely unveiled and clear," he wrote. He had, in 
fact, used this kind of abstract descriptive language to refer to his symbols 
for years. In a letter to Miinter of April 1904, he had described a painting he 
was working on, and for which he said he had great expectations, as a 
"Kampf in Grim und Rot" (battle in green and red). He had described it fur- 
ther as a scene of one crusader charging another on a plain before a Russian 
city, and he expressed some concern that perhaps the "color language" might 
be too obvious. 76 Certainly, then, we need not hesitate to read this Kampf in 
Weiss und Schwarz as St. George with his white lance bearing down on the 
black-outlined dragon. And indeed, Kandinsky was no longer concerned at 
this point that the color language might be too obvious. 

The white edge of the painting was the final solution to the composition 
evolved after almost five months of gestation (as Kandinsky recounted in the 
Sturm album essay). When the solution came at last, it came in a form he 
described as a "wave," cresting and "falling suddenly" and then, "flowing in 
sinuously lazy form" around to the right side of the picture to appear once 
more in jagged scallops in the upper left corner. Here again, remembrances 
of forms encountered earlier may have called to Kandinsky's mind another 
Crane painting, The Horses of Neptune (fig. 42.), in which the power of the 
cresting wave was associated with that of the horse. In any case, in this paint- 
ing with its white edge, Kandinsky's Blue Rider had carried him quite literally 
to the edge of abstraction. 

Completed a month after Painting with White Border, in June of 1913, 
Small Pleasures (cat. no. 321) set the horseman in motion again, united here 
once more with his two companions from such paintings as Composition I, 


77- Cf. Weiss, pp. 131-132, and Ruden- 
stine, pp. 264-2.71. 

78. Unfortunately, the usual translation of 
Klange into English as Sounds does not 
do the German word justice, for it has 
an association both in meaning and in 
tone with the sound of bells ringing or 
choirs singing. The work of art, Kandin- 
sky was wont to say, must "klingen"; 

it must ring like a bell or like a fine 
crystal. See also note 25 and the dis- 
cussion of Singer, above. 

79. See Weiss, chapter IX. 

80. Lindsay was the first to trace the his- 
tory of the Campbell panels in "Kan- 
dinsky in 1974 New York: Solving a 
Riddle," Art Netcs, vol. lv, May 1956, 
pp. 32-33, 58. See also Rudenstine, 

p. 283, where Eddy's sketch of the 
room is reproduced. 

Romantic Landscape and With Three Riders. Now they storm the citadel on 
their leaping steeds, defying gravity and the threatening clouds of the other 
side. They, too, begin a flirtation with the circle, as can be seen in many re- 
lated sketches and studies. 77 

In addition to these two works from the first half of the year, Kandinsky 
produced two major Compositions, numbers VI and VII, during 1913. As 
already noted, Composition VI was one of the two compositions Kandinsky 
identified as having a specific theme. Like the theme of Composition V, its 
subject, the Deluge, was, by his own account, ultimately transformed into a 
universal symbol of regeneration. The largest of all his compositions and 
preceded by a great many preparatory studies, Composition VII was his 
major statement in this year of "breakthrough." In scale, ambition and power 
it represented a significant step toward the formal emancipation he had 

The autumn of 19 13 saw the publication of Kandinsky's long-planned 
volume of woodcuts and poems which, in true lyric-synthetic style he called 
Klange (Resonances or Sounds) (cat. no. 360). 78 It harked back to his earlier 
efforts, the Verses Without Words of 1904 and the Xylographies of 1909, to 
produce a work of art that was at once visual and musical, graphic and lyric. 
Klange, however, provided the additional dimension of Kandinsky's own 
remarkable prose poems, as well as woodcuts dating back to 1907. 

In the spring of 19 14, hope flared up for the realization of a production 
of Der gelbe Klang. The Miinchner Kiinstlertheater was by that time close to 
collapse, but a heterogeneous group of Munich artists attempted to bring 
about a second "revolution in the theater" by proposing to take it over for 
themselves. This group included Erich Mendelsohn, Hugo Ball, Marc, Kubin 
and others who were to have provided set and costume designs for the re- 
vised program (cat. nos. 335, 336). Der gelbe Klang was among the produc- 
tions they scheduled for performance. For a short but intense time Kandinsky, 
Marc, Macke and the others were involved, but their efforts proved ultimately 
futile and the idea was never realized. 79 

Kandinsky now undertook his last attempt in this prewar period to ful- 
fill one of the dreams engendered by the first Munich experiences: the dream 
of the aesthetically determined environment. The occasion was provided by 
a commission offered by an American, Edwin R. Campbell, to design four 
wall panels (cat. nos. 4^-46) to decorate the foyer of his apartment at 635 
Park Avenue in New York. Campbell was a friend of Arthur J. Eddy, the 
Chicago lawyer, who had discovered Kandinsky at the 19 13 Armory Show 
and had already purchased his work for his own collection. A letter Eddy 
wrote to Miinter in June of 1914 clearly indicates that the plan was to inte- 
grate the paintings architecturally into the designated space so that they 
would look "exactly as if originally intended as part of the hall." 80 Thus, by 
the summer of 19 14, even as Europe rumbled with the ominous signs of war, 
Kandinsky stood on the brink of realizing his great dream of integrating 
lyrical abstraction and architectural environment into a grand synthesis. 

The extreme degree of abstraction attained in the Campbell panels had 
already been adumbrated in two other paintings, Light Picture and Black 


fig- 43 

Vasily Kandinsky 

Fishing Boats, Sestri. 1905 

Oil on board 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 

Museum, New York 


81. A comparison of the preparatory draw- 
ings for these two paintings reveals a 
startling similarity and suggests that, 
indeed, Black Lines may have been in- 
spired by Landscape with Red Spots, or 
by the same natural landscape. (See 
Hanfstaengl, no. 222, GMS 442, p. 90 
and Rudenstine, fig. a, p. 278.) 

82. For a sensitive discussion of Kandin- 
sky's break with Miinter, see Sara H. 
Gregg, "The Art of Gabriele Miinter: 
An Evaluation of Content," Master's 
thesis, State University of New York at 
Binghamton, 1980, and by the same au- 
thor, "Gabriele Miinter in Sweden: 
Interlude and Separation," Arts Maga- 
zine, vol. 55, May 1981, pp. 116-119. 
Ms. Gregg served as Hilla Rebay in- 
tern at the Guggenheim Museum, and 

I wish to express my gratitude here 
for her unstinting efforts in the early 
stages of preparation for this exhibi- 
tion and for her recent help with var- 
ious aspects of the catalogue. 

Lines (cat. no. 332), both completed at the very end of 1913. A comparison 
between Black Lines, which may be designated an "improvisation" and Land- 
scape with Red Spots (also called Landscape ivith Church I) (cat. no. 331) of 
the same year, an "impression" clearly based on direct observation of nature, 
indicates that the old schism between lyric improvisation and naturalistic im- 
pression still existed in 1913. At the same time, the two paintings, in contrast 
to a similar pairing, such as Motley Life of 1907 (fig. 21) and Fishing Boats, 
Sestri of 1905 (fig. 43) reveals the distance he had traveled from the earlier 
years. Landscape with Red Spots was purchased by Kandinsky's poet friend 
Karl Wolf skehl, who also provided the German translation of Albert Verwey's 
poem "An Kandinsky" for the 19 13 Sturm catalogue of Kandinsky's retro- 
spective in Berlin. 

In both Black Lines and Landscape, with Red Spots, Kandinsky trans- 
ferred graphic line into painting, a goal he later discussed in his notes for the 
lecture he planned to deliver in Cologne in 1914 and in a 1932 letter to Groh- 
mann. Linear devices and complexes have become integral painterly elements 
of the construction of each composition. The free, over-all scattering of these 
elements (as graphic hieroglyphs in Black Lines and as linear forms obscured 
by color spots in Landscape) are at once prophetic of much later develop- 
ments in twentieth-century painting, and at the same time reminiscent of the 
"over-all" tapestry-like effects of Kandinsky's earlier works such as Compo- 
sition II. But in such lyric abstractions as Black Lines, though we may persist 
in reading the fragmented rainbows, horizons, mountains and suns of Land- 
scape with Red Spots, we must concede that Kandinsky had at last escaped 
the gravitational pull of history. 81 

Unquestionably, Kandinsky had now opened the door to that paradise 
for which he had searched so long. But fate was to close it all too cruelly. 
World War I brought global catastrophe and the tragic death of his fellow 
warriors who had fought with him in that other, far nobler conflict. It brought 
deep personal suffering as well. His long and intimate friendship with Miinter 
was severed; 82 he was forced to leave behind the dreams of that long-gone 
radiant Munich. The succeeding months and years brought another descent 


fig- 44 

Vasily Kandinsky 

Picnic. 1916 

Watercolor, India ink and pencil on paper 
Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 

into self-doubt and despair, a descent reflected directly in his painting. Indeed, 
he ceased painting in oils altogether in 1915. The works of 1916 and 1917 
suggest moods of mingled joy in memory (fig. 44) and despair before an un- 
certain future. 

Only with a new transformation wrought in the early twenties, introduced 
during the period of his Soviet sojourn and consolidated in the geometric 
style of the Bauhaus— the school dedicated to the goal of the integrated artistic 
environment— did Kandinsky's old confidence return. And with it, the Blue 
Rider, St. George returned triumphant. For in /;/ the Black Square of 1923 
(fig. 3), the saint on horseback reappeared in grand heroic style, once again 
in terms of a "battle in white and black." He is a St. George equal to the 
heights of mountains, made of the landscape of paradise and gleaming with 
the sun. Horse and rider sail together on a white trapezoidal plane of inner 
conviction, easily escaping from and at the same time victorious over the flat 
black plane of the dragon in his lair. 81 In further transformations the Blue 
Rider became a cosmic blue circle and the dragon a wavy, whiplash line (cat. 
no. 343, fig. 6). 

An unpublished graphic analysis of 
In the Black Square undertaken by 
Edward J. Kimball, my student at Co- 
lumbia University in 1975, convinced 
me of the validity of this interpretation. 

Thus Kandinsky's life may be seen in terms of a series of encounters and 
transformations. A hero of "things becoming," a foe of "Holdfast, keeper of 
the past," Kandinsky with his Blue Rider leapt the barriers of tradition, con- 
servatism and complacency to open a new way in art. It was in Munich that 
he set out upon his quest, there that he encountered both dreams and demons, 
and there that the Blue Rider achieved a monumental transformation in the 
art of this century. 

In many things 1 must condemn myself, but to one thing I shall remain 
forever true— to the inner voice, which has determined my goal in art and 
which I hope to obey to the last hour. 


Munich, June 1913 



Now, about woodcuts. . . . You needn't ask the purpose of this or that work: 
they all have only one purpose— I had to make them, because I can free my- 
self in no other way from the thought (or dream). Nor do I think of any 
practical use. 1 simply must make the thing. Later you will understand me 
better. You say: Play! Of course! Everything the artist makes is after all only 
play. He agonizes, tries to find an expression for his feelings and thoughts; he 
speaks with color, form, drawing, resonance [Klang], word, etc. What for? 
Great question! About that later, in conversation. Superficially only play. For 
him (the artist) the question "what for" has little sense. He only knows a 
"why." So arise works of art, so arise also things that are as yet not works of 
art, but rather only stations, ways to that end, but which already have within 
them also a little glimmer of light, a resonance. The first ones and likewise 
the second (the first are all too infrequent) had to be made because otherwise 
one has no peace. You saw in Kallmiinz how 1 paint. So I do everything that 
I must: it is ready within me and it must find expression. If I play in this way 
every nerve in me vibrates, music rings in my whole body and God is in my 
heart. I don't care if it is hard or easy, takes much or little time, is useful or 
not. And here and there I find people who are grateful for my things, who get 
something out of them. . . . 

Kandinsky to Gabriele Miinter, August 10, 1904 




Franz von Stuck 

i Poster for yth International Art Exhibition 
in the Glass Palace fV7/. Internationale 
Kunstausstellung im Glaspalast). 1897 
Lithograph on paper, 1314 x iS 1 Yk" 
(33.7 x 48 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

AW^NCHEN '897 





V°/A i.JVNI BIS ENDE OCTOBER. -.,,,,-.«,,.»,.„ . 

* Indicates not in exhibition 
t Indicates not illustrated 

Julius Diez 

2 Poster for Prinzregenten Theater Richard 
Wagner Miinchen. 1901 
Lithograph on paper, 42^1 <; x z^Yid' 
(109 x 74.5 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 









Emil Rudolf Weiss 
3 Poster for First International Exhibition 
of Art-Photographs in the Secession (Erste 
Internationale Ausstellung von Kunst— 
Photographien in der Secession). 1898 
Lithograph on paper, 42^6 x %<)%(," 
(107.5 x 7° cm -) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


"[A.GUCM 6(6fFN£T. 

f?AKAT£M jind LlTHOGRAIflieM 


Bruno Paul 

4 Poster for Art in Handicrafts Exhibition 
(Ausstellung Kunst im Handiverk). 1901 
Lithograph on paper, 34% x 2.37k;" 
(88.5 x 59.5 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Albert Weisgerber 

5 Peacock Dance (Pfauentanz). 1902 
Pen and brush, tusche and tempera on 
paper, 16 x n^is" (40.7 x 30.1 cm.) 
Stiftung Saarlandischer Kulturbesitz, 

. .tfiichen 

AvWellvnq im Alter) National 
mevm'teimtliQnvr56^ u a 




Thomas Theodor Heine 
|6 Poster for Simplicissmns. 1897 
Lithograph on paper, 34V16 x ziVu" 
(86.5x59.5 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Ludwig von Zumbusch 

t7 Poster for Youth: Munich Illustrated 
Weekly for Art and Life (Jugend: Miinch- 
ner lllustrierte Wochettschrift fur Kunst 
und Leben). 1896 
Lithograph on paper, 24 13 /is x 17%" 
(63x45 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Robert Engels 

f8 Poster for Munich Artists' Theater 
(Miinchner Kiinstlertheater). 1909 
Lithograph on paper, 4i 5 /i6 x x-j^h" 
(105 x 70 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Ernst Stern 

t9 Cafe "Megalomania," Carnival (Cafe 
"Grossenwahn," Karneval). 1902 
Portfolio of lithographs on paper, 9 sheets 
printed on both sides, each 12% x I9 n /i6" 
(32 x 50 cm.) 

Collection Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 
schriftensammlung, Munich 

Peter Behrens 
roa-b Two Banners (Zwei Fahnen). 1900-01 
Oil on canvas, each 312 x 37%" (795 x 
95.6 cm.) 

Shown at entrance to Behrens's house, 
Darmstadt Kiinstlerkolonie 
Private Collection 

Bruno Paul 

11 "Art Dream of a Modern Landscapist" 
("Kunsttraum eines modernen Land- 
schafters"). 1897 

Watercolor, pencil and ink on paper, 
i6Yg x 11%" (41 x 30.2 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Bruno Paul 

12 "The Munich Fountain of Youth" ("Der 
Miinchner Jugendbrunnen"). 1897 
Watercolor, pencil and ink on paper, 
15 x 23%" (38.1 x 60.4 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Bruno Paul 
13 Title page of Jugend, vol. 1, no. 35, 
August 29, 1896 
ni3/i«x8"/ lfi " (30x21.7 cm.) 
Collection Kunstbibliothek Staatliche 
Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin 


Poppel and Kurz 

14 The Glass Palace (Der Glaspalast). 1854 
Photograph of engraving 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 





August Endell 

15 Stair Railing, Hof atelier Elvira, Munich 
(Treppenraum mit Gelander, Hofatelier 
Elvira, Miinchen). 1896-97 

August Endell 

16 Reception Room, Hofatelier Elvira, 
Munich (Empfangszimmer , Hofatelier 
Elvira, Miinchen). 


August Endell 
17 Entrance Gate, Hofatelier Elvira, Munich 
(Eingangsgitter, Hofatelier Elvira, 

h II" a 



Hermann Obrist and Richard 

18 Room for a Friend of the Arts (Zhmner 
ernes Kunstfreundes). ca. 1900 
Embroideries by Obrist, music stand and 
chairs by Riemerschmid 
Collection Museum Bellerive, Zurich 


August Endell 
19 Table (Tiscb). 1899 

Oak, 271716 x 45% x 37 3 /is" (71 * 115 x 

96 cm.) 

Private Collection 

Hermann Obrist 

20 Firelilies (Feuerlilien). ca. 1895-1900 
Gold thread flatstitch brocade on silk, 
39% x I9 n /u," (100 x 50 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


August Endell 
21 Desk Chair (Schreibtischsessei). 1S9S 
Elm, 33 7k," (85 cm.) h. 
Collection Siegfried Wichmann 


Gertraud Schnellenbiihel 

%% Candelabra (Tischlenchter). 1901-08 
Silver-plated brass, 18V2 x 17M" 
(47 x 45 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Richard Riemerschmid 

2.3 Music Room Chair (Musikzimmerstithl). 

Elm, 3o l y 16 " (77 cm.) h. 
Collection Siegfried Wichmann 

_-r s^3 



Richard Riemerschmid 

24 Study for Door Frame and Stucco Frieze 
(Entwurf fiir Tiirrahmen und Stuckfries). 

Pencil with colored crayons on paper, 
I9 15 /l<5 x I7 5 /k," (50-7 x 44 cm.) 
Architektursammlung der Technischen 
Universitat, Munich 

Richard Riemerschmid 

f'25 Phantom Clouds II (Wolkengespenster II). 
ca. 1897 

Tempera on canvas, 17% x 3oyir," 
(45 x 77 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

August Endell 
26 Trunk from Heiseler House, Brannenburg 
(Truhe aus Haus Heiseler, Brannenburg). 

Prepared elm with metal sheathing, 17% x 
S3 9 /l 6 x 29V 8 " (45 x 136 x 74 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

August Endell 

27 Rug (Bodenteppich). ca. 1920 
Wool, 7715/16 x 65%" (198 x 166 cm.) 
Collection Museum fur Kunst und 
Gewerbe, Hamburg 


Hermann Obrist 
28a-b Two Chairs (Ziuei Stiihle). ca. 1898 
Solid moor oak, each 37" (94 cm.) h. 
Collection Siegfried Wichmann 

Hermann Obrist 

29 Table (Tisch). ca. 1898 

Stained solid moor oak, 19 V2 x 33% x 
io7ifi" (75 x 86 x52 cm.) 
Collection Siegfried Wichmann 


Vasily Kandinsky 
30 Writing Desk (Schreibtisch). ca. 1911-13 
Painted pine, 3i 11 /i6 x 35I4 x 
2-3 7 /is" (80.5 x 89.5 x 59.5 cm.) 
Collection Gabriele Miinter-Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

32 Bedside Table (Toilettenschrankchen). 
ca. 1911-13 

Painted pine, 39 3 / 8 x 22. Vis x 12%" 
(100 x 56 x 31.5 cm.) 
Collection Gabriele Miinter-Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
■f 31 Chair (Stuhl). ca. 1911-13 
Painted pine, 34% (87 cm.) h. 
Collection Gabriele Miinter-Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
t33 Stairway Decorated with Stenciled Riders 
(Treppengelander mit schablonierten 
Reitern). ca. 1911-13 

Collection Gabriele Miinter- Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
34 Stencil with Rider (Schablone mit Reiter). 

Cardboard stencil, cutouts from stencil 
and pencil, 9V2 x 13" (24. 2 x 33 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 
haus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

35 Meeting (Begegnung). ca. 1908-09 
Painted wood, 14% x i6\/," (36.5 x 
42.5 cm.) 

Collection Gabriele MLinter-Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

36 Rider (Reiter). ca. 1908-09 

Painted wood, 11 7 /ic x 9%" (29 x 25 cm.) 
Collection Gabriele Miinter- Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

37 Watch Stand (Uhrenstander). ca. 1908 
Painted wood, 5% x 3% x i%6" 

(15 x 8 x 4 cm.) 

Collection Gabriele Miinter- Johannes 

Eichner Stiftung, Munich 


Gabriele Miinter 
38 Still Life with St. George (Stilleben mit 
Heiligem Georg). 1911 
Oil on cardboard, zoYg x z6%" (51. 1 x 
68 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, Munich 

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Vasily Kandinsky 
39 Sancta Francisca. 1911 

Glass painting (oil and tempera [?] on 
glass), 6i/ 8 x 4 5 / 8 " (15-6 x IX - 8 cm -) 
Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 

Franz Marc 

f4o Cock, Goat and Boar (Hahn, Ziege nnd 
Eber). ca. 1911 

Wool embroidery on muslin, 8 u /k" 
(12 cm.) d. 

Embroidered by Ada Campendonk 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, Munich 

August Macke 
41 Box, "The Judgment of Paris" (Kastcben, 
"Das Urteil des Paris"). 1913 
Wood box with embossed silver-plate and 
painted lid, z^/ l6 x 7% x 5 y 4 " (7.4 x 
1S.7 x 13.2 cm.) 
Collection Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn 

Moissey Kogan 

42 Female Head (Weiblicher Kopf). n.d. 
Wool embroidery on linen, 6 9 /k, x Q-">/\c'' 
(16.7 x 17.7 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, Munich 



Vasily Kandinsky 

43 Painting No. 199. 1914 

Oil on canvas, 63"% * 48V&" (162.4 x 
122..3 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 

44 Painting No. 201. 1914 

Oil on canvas, 63% x 48V 8 " (162.3 x 
12.2..8 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
45 Panel (3). 1914 

Oil on canvas, 64 x U' 1 ■'," (162.. 5 x 92 cm.) 
Collection The Museum of Modern Art, 
New York, Mrs. Simon Guggenheim 
Fund, 1954 


Vasily Kandinsky 

46 Panel (4). 1914 

Oil on canvas, 64 x 3i 1 /£" (162.5 x 80 cm.) 
Collection The Museum of Modern Art, 
New York, Mrs. Simon Guggenheim 
Fund, 1954 


Vasily Kandinsky 
47 Watercolor Study for the Panel "Summer" 
for Edwin R. Campbell (Aquarellentwurf 
zu dem Paneel "Sommer" fiir Edwin R. 
Campbell). 1914 

Watercolor and tusche over pencil on 
paper, I3 3 / 16 x 9%" (334 * 2-5-1 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
48 Watercolor "Idea for a Mitral for 
Campbell" (Aquarell "Idee zu einem 
Wandbild fiir Campbell"). 1914 
Watercolor, tusche and zinc white over 
pencil on paper, i^/u x 9%" (33.3 x 
25.1 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
49 Watercolor Study for the Panel "Spring" 
for Edwin R. Campbell (Aquarellentwurf 
zu dem Paneel "Friibling" fiir Edwin R. 
Campbell). 1914 

Watercolor, tusche and pencil on paper, 
i3 3 /ifi x 9 7 /s" (33-4 x 2 5-i cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, Munich 


August Endell 

50 Facade, Hof atelier Elvira, Munich. 
ca. 1896-97 

Franz von Stuck 

*5i The Guardian of Paradise (Der Wachter 
des Paradieses). 1889 
Oil on canvas, 98% x 6$ l5 /i 6 " (250.5 x 
167.5 cm -) 
Collection Museum Villa Stuck, Munich 


Hermann Obrist 
*52 Whiplash (Peitschenhieb). 1895 

Silk flatstitch embroidery on wool, 
47I/16 x 72.14" (119.5 x 183.5 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


Hans Schmithals 

53 Polar Star and Star Constellation Dragon 
(Polarstern itnd Stembild Drache). 1902 
Gouache on paper, 18% x 43 5 /i<;" (48 x 
no cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


Hans Schmithals 
54 Composition in Blue ({Composition in 
BLm). ca. 1900 

Pastel and mixed media on paper, 
51% x 3i'/ )s " (131. 5 x 79.5 cm.) 
Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, 


Hans Schmithals 

55 The Glacier (Der Gletscher). ca. 1903 
Mixed media on paper, 4514 x 29VS" 
(114.8 x 74.7 cm.) 

Collection The Museum of Modern Art, 
New York. Matthew T. Mellon 
Fund 90.60 


Hans Schmithals 

56 Study (Studie). n.d. 

Pastel and crayon on paper, n'/J x i$ l Y\c" 

(54 x 40.1 cm.) 

Collection Siegfried Wichmann 


57 Vlame (Flamme). 1899; 1913 
Wool rug, 120 x 67%" (305 x 172 cm.) 
Collection Museum of Applied Arts, 



Hermann Obrist 

58 Untitled (Sea Garden) (Ohne Titel 
[Meeresgarten]). n.d. 

Pencil on paper, 7 Vis x 3V2" (i7-9 x 

8.8 cm.) 

Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Hermann Obrist 

59 Untitled ("Stone Organ") (Ohne Titel 
["Steinerne Or gel"]), ca. 1895 

Pencil on paper, 6V2 x 2%" (16.5 x 7 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Hermann Obrist 

60 Study for a Monument (Entwurf fur einem 
Denkmal). ca. 1898 

Pencil on paper, 5 7i6 x 4" (14.5 x 10.1 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Hermann Obrist 

61 Rock Grotto with Flaming River (Fels- 
grotte mit loderndem Eluss). ca. 1895 
Watercolor, pastel, pencil and charcoal 
on paper, 1114 x 7%" (28.5 x 18.8 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Hermann Obrist 

62 Vortex Above a Battlement (Strudel 
iiber Zinnen). ca. 1898 

Pencil on transparent paper, 9% x 4%" 

(24.5 x 12.5 cm.) 

Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 




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Hermann Obrist 

63 "More ground out of which . . ." (Fire 
Flower II) (Feuerblume II). ca. 1895 
Pastel and pencil on paper, 6Y16 x 3%" 
(15.7 x 8.5 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Hermann Obrist 
64 Untitled ("Smouldering Plant") (Ohne 
Titel ["Schwelende Pflanze"]). ca. 1895 
Charcoal and pencil on transparent paper, 
10% x 7 x Y\h" (27 x 19.8 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Hermann Obrist 

f65 Tu'isted Bough with Branch and Flaming 
Blossom (Gewundener Ast mit Ziveig und 
Flammenbliite). ca. 1896 
Pencil on paper, 7% x 21%" (18.7 x 
68.9 cm.) 
Collection Siegfried Wichman 


Hermann Obrist 

66 Fantastic Shell (Phantastiscbe Muschel). 
ca. 1895 

Charcoal and pencil on paper, ioH/isX 
6%" ( 2 7-i x J 6.z cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 

Hermann Obrist 

67 "Yet longer beneath . . ." ("Thorny 
Stalk . . .") ("Noch [anger unten . . ." 
["Dorniger Stengel . . ."]). ca. 1898 
Pencil on transparent paper, 16%,; x 
9 15 /is" (41 x 25.3 cm.) 
Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich 





Hermann Obrist 

68 Arch Pillar (Gewolbepfeiler). before 1900 

Collection Museum Bellerive, Zurich 

Hermann Obrist 

69 Tapestry (Wandteppicb). before 1897 

Collection Museum Bellerive, Ziirich 


Hermann Obrist 

*70 Motion Study (Beivegttngsstudie). 
ca. 1895 

Reworked cast plaster, two sections, total 
72 7i6 x 28% x 28%" (184 x 73 x 73 cm.) 
Collection Museum Bellerive, Zurich 


Hermann Obrist 

71 Sketch for a Monument (Entivurf zu 
einem Denkmal). ca. 1898-1900 
Reworked cast plaster, 34 n /i6 x 14^6 
x 20%" (88 x 38 x 52 cm.) 
Collection Museum Bellerive, Zurich 



Anton Aibe 

7a In the Harem (Im Harem), ca. 1905 
Oil on canvas, ij 1 /^ x zoYic," (44.3 x 
51.3 cm.) 
Collection Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana 


Anton Azbe 

73 Self-Portrait (Selbstbildnis). 1886 

Oil on canvas, 25% x ao 1 /^" (65 x 5 1 cm -) 
Collection Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana 


Anton Azbe 
74 Hal) '-Nude Woman Weiblichei Halbakt). 


Oil on canvas, 39% x }l%" (100 x Si cm.) 

Collection Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana 


Anton Azbe 

75 Portrait of a Negress (Bikinis einer 
Negerin). 1895 

Oil on wood, 21% x 15V2" (S5- 2 - x 
394 cm.) 
Collection Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana 


Vasily Kandinsky 
76 Six Female Nudes. Standing (Sechs iveib- 
liche Akte, stehend). ca. 1 897-1900 
Tusche, pen and brush on paper, 8X16 x 

12.%" (lO.8x3i.7cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
77 Five Male Nudes (Fiinf mannlicbe Akte). 
ca. 1 897-1900 

Tusche, pen and brush, watercolor and 
opaque white on paper, 8'/i x n'^r," 
(20.9 x 31.6 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

78 Female Nudes and St. Httbertus (Weib- 
licbe Akte nnd St. Hubertus). 
ca. 1897-1900 

Tusche, pen and brush and watercolor on 
paper, 8*4 x 12%" (20.9 x 32.7 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
79 Sketchbook (Skizzenbuch). 1897-1900; 

Page 3 of 53 sheets, pencil on paper, 14 x 
SH/ifi" (35-5 x 12 cm.) 
Collection StSdtische Galerie im I.en- 
bachhaus, Munich 




Vasily Kandinsky 

80 Munich, ca. 1901-02. 

Oil on canvasboard, 9% x tzYs" (23.8 x 
32. 1 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 

3i English Garden in Munich (Englischer 
Garten in Munchen). 1901 
Oil on canvasboard, 9% x I2. n /l6" (2-3-7 x 
32.. 3 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Franz von Stuck 
82 Autumn Evening (Autumn Landscape with 
Rider) | Herbstabend [Herbstlandschaft 
mit Reiterl). 1893 
Oil on canvas, 24V1 x }oYs" (61.5 x 
76.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
83 In the Forest (Im Walde). 1903 

Tempera on wood, io^j x y^/n" (26 x 
19.8 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
84 Sketchbook (Skizzenbitch). ca. 1903 
Rider in Landscape (Reiter in Landscbaft), 
page 30 of 40 sheets, colored pencil on 
paper, & Vie x 4 5 / 16 " (17x11 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Karl Schmoll von Eisenwerth 
85 Forest Ride (Waldritt). ca. 1904 
Color woodcut on paper, 8% x jVk" 
(22 x 19.5 cm.) 

Collection Professor J. A. Schmoll- 
Eisenwerth, Munich 


Franz von Stuck 
86 From and Mary Stuck— Artists' Festival 
(Franz und Mary Stuck— Kiinstlerfest). 

Oil on wood, 19M,; x 19V2" (49 x 49.5 cm.) 
Collection Stiidtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Franz von Stuck 
87 Amazon (Amazone). 1897 
Bronze, i^/\<" (36 cm.) h. 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 




Franz von Stuck 

; Villa Stuck with Poplars (Villa Stuck mit 
Courtesy Gerhard Weiss, Munich 

mii' n 

Franz von Stuck 

i Sketch for Furniture in the Villa Stuck 
(Entwurf fiir Mobel in der Villa Stuck). 
ca. 1895-97 

Pencil and pen with tusche on yellowish 
paper, 12% x 8%" (32.8 x 21.2 cm.) 
Private Collection 







Vasily Kandinsky 

90 Young Woman in Oriental (?) Costume 
(Jitnge Fran in orientalischer [?] Tracht). 
ca. 1900 

Watercolor over pencil on paper, 7% x 
4Vt" (19.3 x 10.8 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

91 Townsmen and Peasant Costumes of the 
16th Century (Burger und Bauerntracbt 
des 16. Jabrhunderts). n.d. 

Colored pencil on gray-blue paper, 8V2 x 
12. y 8 " (21.7x31.4 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

92 Comet (Night Rider ?) (Der Komet 
[Nachtlicher Reiter ?]). 1900 
Tempera and goldbronze on red paper 
mounted on black cardboard, 7 1 %6 x 9" 
(19.8 x 22.9 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

J 43 


Franz von Stuck 
93 Poster for International Art Exhibition 
(Internationale Kunstausstellung). 1893 
Lithograph on paper, 24 % x 14%" (61.5 
x 36.5 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 



des- vereins- bildender- kunstler 



VOKi • 1 J U N I • Bl S • E N D E • OCTOBER 



Vasily Kandinsky 
94 Poster for First Phalanx Exhibition 
(I. Phalanx Ausstellting). 1901 
Color lithograph on paper, 18% x 2.3%" 
(47.3 x 60.3 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York, Gift, Kenneth C. 
Lindsay, Binghamton, New York 



Thomas Theodor Heine 

95 Guest Performance: The Eleven Execu- 
tioners (Gastspiel: Die Elf Scharfrichter). 

Color lithograph on paper, 43 u /ic x 2.6" 
(in x 66 cm.) 
Collection Kunsthalle Bremen 


Waldemar Hecker 
96a-g Seven Puppets (Sseben Marionetten). 

Painted wood, each 15%" (40 cm.) h. 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


Albert Bloch 
97 The Green Dress (Das grihic Gcu\ind). 

Oil on canvas, 51^ x 33V2" (130.8 x 
85.1 cm.) 

Private Collection on extended loan to 
Everson Museum of Art, Syracuse, 
New York 

Rolf Niczky 

! Poster for Munich Lyric Theater "Uber- 
brettl" (Lyrisches Theater Miinchner 
Uberbrettl). ca. 1900 
Lithograph on paper, 44% x 34%" (114 
x 88.5 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 






Wilhclm Hiisgen 
99 Mask of Frank Wedekind (Maske von 

Frank Wedekind). ca. 1901-02 
Plaster cast, 13V2 x 10%" (35 x 2- cm.) 
Collection Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 
schriftensammlung, Munich 

Ernst Stern 

100 Program for the Eleven Executioners (Elf 
Scharfrichter Programm). November 

Lithograph on paper, 10V2 x 7>4" (26 x 
18 cm.) 

Collection Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 
schriftensammlung, Munich 


Ernst Stern 

101 Program for the Eleven Executioners (Elf 
Scharfrichter Programm). February 1902 
Lithograph on paper, 10V2 x 7 14" (26 x 

18 cm.) 

Collection Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 

schriftensammlungen, Munich 

Arpad Schmidhammer 

102 Cover for Program for the Eleven Execu- 
tioners (with program for Wedekind's 
"Lulu") (Umschlag fur Elf Scharfrichter 
Programbuch [mit Programm fiir Wede- 
kinds "Lulu"]), n.d. 

Lithograph on paper, 10V2 xjVt" U<> x 
18 cm.) 

Collection Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 
schriftensammlungen, Munich 


Ernst Stern 

j-103 Program for the Eleven Executioners (Elf 
Scharfrichter Programm). April 13, 1901 
Lithograph on paper, 10V2 x 7V4" (2.6 x 
18 cm.) 

Collection Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 
schriftensammlungen, Munich 

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104 Frank Wedekind with Seven Members of 
the Eleven Executioners (Frank Wedekind 
mit Sieben Mitglieder der Elf Scbarfricbter) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

105 Marya Delvard and Marc Henry, ca. 1905 

Collection Delvard Nachlass, Miinchner 
Stadtmuseum, Munich 

106 Marya Delvard with Wilhelm Hiisgen. 


From album of Doris Hiisgen; courtesy 
David Lee Sherman 



Peter Behrens 

fi07 Poster: A Document of German Art 

(Plakat: Bin Dokument Deutscber Kunst). 


Color lithograph on paper, 49% x i6 1 Yk," 

(116x43 cm-) 

Collection Hessisches Landesmuseum, 


XVII Jahrgamj. Heft 

Peter Behrens 

108 Cover for Die Knnst fiir Alle. October 
1, 1901 

n-Xis x8 9 / u " (30.9 x 2.1.7 cm.) 
Collection Kunstbibliothek Staatliche 
Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin 


Vasily Kandinsky 
109 Sketchbook (Skizzenbucb). 1897-1900; 
1 902.-03 

Furniture (Mobel), page 40 of 51 sheets, 
pencil, watercolor, goldbronze and col- 
ored crayon on paper, 8'/2 x 5 5 /i6" (2.1-5 x 
13.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
no Sketchbook (Skizzenbuch). ca. 1902-03 
Designs for Furniture (Mobelentwiirfe), 
page 34 of 34 sheets, pencil on paper, 
6% x 10%" (17-5 x 26 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

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Hans Christiansen 
in Presentation Vase with Red, Green and 
Blue Decoration with Gold Overlay 
(Prunkvase mit rotem, griinem itnd 
blauem Dehor, Goldauflage). 1901 
Glazed earthenware, 6V2 x l^^is" (i<»-5 
x 31.5 cm.) 

Collection Wachtersbacher Keramik, 
Brachttal, Germany 


Hans Christiansen 

112 Study for Presentation Vase with Red, 
Green and Blue Decoration with Gold 
Overlay (Entwnrf fiir Prttnkvase mit 
rotem, griinem iind blanem Dekor, Gold- 
auflage). 1901 

Watercolor and pencil on paper, 10%,-, x 
19" (25.9 x 48.2 cm.) 
Collection Wachtersbacher Keramik, 
Brachttal, Germany 

Vasily Kandinsky 

113 Studies for the Decoration of Vases (Ent- 
wiirfe fiir die Bemalung von Gefassen). 

Lead and colored pencils on paper, 5% x 
4 15 /i<s" (14.9 x 12.6 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Hans Christiansen 
114 Cylindrical Vase with Stylized Leaves 
(Zylindrische Vase mit stilisierten Blatt- 
ranken). 1901 

Stoneware, i2 3 /i<-, x 3%" (31 x 9.5 cm.) 
Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 

Hans Christiansen 

115 Study for a Cylindrical Vase with Stylized 
Leaves (Entwurf fiir eine Zylindrische 
Vase mit stilisierten Blattranken). 1901 
Watercolor and pencil on paper, I5 n /i6 
x 4%" (39-8 x 11.7 cm.) 
Collection Wachtersbacher Keramik, 
Brachttal, Germany 


Hans Christiansen 

116 Vase with Green and White Point and 
Line Decor (Vase mit griin-iveissem Punkt 
and Liniendekor). ca. 1901 
Glazed earthenware, 3 15 /is x 0/u" (10.1 x 
15.7 cm.) 

Collection Wachtersbacher Keramik, 
Brachttal, Germany 

Hans Christiansen 

117 Study for a Small Green Vase with Points 
and Lines (Entwurf fur kleine grime Vase 
mit Punkten und Linien). ca. 1901 
Tempera, watercolor and pencil on paper, 
io 15 /is x 7" (Z7.8 x 17.8 cm.) 
Collection Wachtersbacher Keramik, 
Brachttal, Germany 


Vasily Kandinsky 

118 Four Studies for Beaded Embroidery (Vier 
Entiviirfe fiir Perlenstickereien). n.d. 
Pencil on paper, SYk, x io%" (2.0.8 x 
27 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
hachhaus, Munich 

Ferdinand Hauser 

119 Brooch with Pendants (Brosche mit 
Anhanger). ca. 1902-13 
Gold, silver, enamel and moonstones, 
I'Vic" (4-3 cm.) d. 

Collection Wiirttembergisches Landes- 
museum, Stuttgart 


Hans Christiansen 

120 Study for Inkwell (Entwurf fiir ein Tin- 
tenjass). ca. 1901 

Watercolor and pencil on paper, 9% x 
9 15 /i 6 " (24.8x25.2 cm.) 
Collection Wachtersbacher Keramik, 
Brachttal, Germany 


Hans Christiansen 

121 Study for a Flat Plate with Blue and Green 
Leaf Decoration (Entwurf fiir einen 
flachen Teller mit blauem und griinem 
Blattdekor). 1901 

Gouache on paper, S 9 Ac," (21.7 cm.) d. 
Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 

Hans Christiansen 

122 Study for a Plate (Serving Plate) (Entwurf 
fiir erne Platte [Servierplatte]). ca. 1901 
Watercolor and pencil on paper, 12% x 
*% X A" (32-4 x 46.3 cm.) 

Collection Wachtersbacher Keramik, 
Brachttal, Germany 

•A ^ « % 


Patriz Huber 

123 Belt Clasp (Giirtelschliesse). ca. 1900 
Silver, gold and agate, 1% x 2%" (4.8 x 
7.2 cm.) 

Collection Badisches Landesmuseum, 

Patriz Huber 

124 Money Purse (Geldborse). Mainz, 1902 
Silver, goatskin and calfskin, 4 u /i6 x }Vs 
x %" (11 x 8 x 2 cm.) 
Collection Wiirttembergisches Landes- 
museum, Stuttgart 


Hans Christiansen 

125 Studies for Silver (Toilet Articles) (Ent- 
wtirfe fur Silberarbeiten [Toilettentisch 
Garnitur]). 1901 

Watercolor and pencil on paper, 15% x 
11V16" (39 x 28. z cm.) 
Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 




Peter Behrens 

126 The Kiss (Der Kuss). 1898 

Color woodcut on paper, 10% x 8V2" 
(17.1 x 11. 6 cm.) 

Collection The Museum of Modern Art, 
New York, Gift of Peter H. Deitsch 

Rudolf Bosselt 

fi27 Medal with Dedication to Grand Dttke 
Ernst Ludwig (Medaille mit Widmiing an 
Grossherzog Ernst Ludwig). 1901 
Silver, 2%" (6 cm.) d. 
Collection Hessisches Landesmuseum, 

Emmy von Egidy 

128 Picture with Branch and Moon (Bild mit 
Ast und Mond). n.d. 

Watercolor and colored chalk on paper, 
17% X4i v U" (45 x 105 cm.) 
Collection Siegfried Wichmann 

Emmy von Egidy 

129 Candy Dish (Bonbonniere). ca. 1901 
Ceramic with silver, z 1 Yk, x 9~!/i6X 5%" 
(7.5 x 24 x 15 cm.) 

Collection Siegfried Wichmann 


i6 5 

Richard Riemerschmid 

130 Arm Chair (for Music Room) (Lehnstuhl 
Ifiir Musikzimmerj). 1899 

Oak and leather, 32. 1 5is" (83.1 cm.) h. 
Collection The Museum of Modern Art, 
New York. Joseph H. Heil Fund 

Richard Riemerschmid 

131 Small Table with Brass Top (Tischchen 
mit Messingplatte). 1900 

Stained walnut and brass, 30% x t^/ir, x 
I5 15 /U" (78 x 39.5 x 40.5 cm.) 
Collection Siegfried Wichmann 


Richard Riemerschmid 

132 Textile Decorations (Dekorationsstoffe). 
ca. 1900 

Cotton linen, 84y 8 x 5i 3 /V (215 x 
130 cm.) 
Collection Siegfried Wichmann 


Hans Christiansen 
133 Study for Book Design: The Four Ele- 
ments: Fire (Entwurf fiir cineti Binh- 
schmuck: Die Vier Elemente: Feuer). 

Gouache on paper, iz 1 /: x 9%6" (31-8 x 
24 cm.) 
Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 

Hans Christiansen 
134 Study for Book Design: The Four Ele- 
ments: Earth (Entwurf fiir einen Bitch- 
schmuck: Die Vier Elemente: Erde). 

Gouache on paper, tz 1 / 2 x 9%" (31.8 x 
23.8 cm.) 
Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensbure 


Hans Christiansen 

135 Study for Book Design: The Four Ele- 
ments: Water (Entwurf fiir einen Buch- 
schmuck: Die Vier Element e: Wasser). 

Hans Christiansen 
136 Study for Book Design: The Four Ele- 
ments: Air {Entwurf fiir einen Buch- 
sclnnuck: Die Vier Elemente: Luft). 

Gouache on paper, nYs x 9%" (32 x 

23.8 cm.) 

Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 

Gouache on paper, 11% x 914" (31.5 x 

13.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 

I<J 9 

Vasily Kandinsky 

137 The Hunter (Der Jdger). 1907 

Color linocut on paper, 9% x z%" (24.5 x 
6.7 cm.) 

Collection Stiidtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Hans Christiansen 

138 Autumn 1 (Herbst 1). 1901 

Wool and hemp tapestry, 2.8 5 /i<; x SiYu" 

(72 x135 cm.) 

Collection Stadtisches Museum Flensburg 


\ asily Kandinsky 
i ^9 Walled City in Autumn Landscape (Um- 
mauerte Stadt in Herbstlandschaft). 
ca. iqoi 

Colored crayon and tempera on red 
paper, <>' j \ 14 \" (15.8 x 36.6 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

^jty - 



Ludwig von Hofmarin 

140 The Island (Die Insel). ca. 1913-16 
Oil on canvas, ii^ic, x ziYu," (54.5 x 
54.5 cm.) 

Collection Staatliche Museen Preussischer 
Kulturbesitz, Nationalgalerie, Berlin 


Peter Behrens 
141 Brook (Bach). 1900 

Color woodcut on paper, i^Yia x zo 9 /\d' 
(38.9 x 5Z.3 cm.) 

Collection Kunstbibliothek Staatliche 
Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin 


Vasily Kandinsky 

142 Moonrise (Mondaufgang). 1904 
Color woodcut on paper, 9 X Y\(, x 5 li Ad' 
(24.9 x 14.8 cm.) 

Graphische Sammlung, Staatsgalerie 

Adolf Holzel 

143 Winter— Thawing Snow (Winter — 
Tauscbnee). 1900 

Oil on canvas, 19% x x^Yk," (50.5 x 
60.5 cm.) 
Private Collection 

Adolf Holzel 

144 Birches on the Moor (Birken im Moos). 

Oil on canvas, 15% x 18%" (39 x 49 cm.) 
Collection Mittelrheinisches Landes- 
museum, Mainz 
See fig. 22, p. 53 




, ,..., 

Vasily Kandinsky 

145 Sketch of a Dress for Gabriele Miinter 
(Entwurf eines Kleides fi'ir Cabriele 
Miinter). n.d. 

Pencil and ink on paper, S^Yk, x d^/x^' 
(20.8 x 16.7 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

146 Sketch of a Dress for Gabriele Miinter 
(Entwurf eines Kleides fi'ir Gabriele 
Miinter). n.d. 

Pencil on paper, 8% x n x /%" (2.2-2. x 
28.3 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 



I47 a "b Gabriele Miinter in Dresses Designed by 
Kandinsky (Gabriele Miinter in Kleidem 
entworfen von Kandinsky) 


Vasily Kandinsky 
148 Sketchbook (Skizzenbuch). 1904 

Designs for Rings (Entwiirfe fiir Finger- 
ringe), page 23 of 1 1 1 sheets, pencil on 
paper, 6Yk, x 4^" (16 x 10.5 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
149 Sketchbook (Skizzenbuch). ca. 1900-04 
Designs for Locks and Keys (Entwiirfe fiir 
Schliisselochbeschlage unci Schliissel), 
page 52 of 52 sheets, pencil, watercolor 
and goldbronze on graph paper, 5 14 x 
8V2" (13.3 x 21.5 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 



August Macke 

150 Keyhole Designs (Schlusselloch Entwiirfe). 

Pencil on paper (reverse of telegram 
form), 8Yia x ioi/j" (2.1.1 x 26 cm.) 
Collection Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn 

Franz Marc 
tisi Keyhole Fitting (Schliissellochbeschlag). 

Bronze, 2% x 1V2" (7 x 3.8 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 
fi52 Keyhole Fitting (Schliissellochbeschlag). 

Bronze, 2% x 2 n /i<;" (7 x 6.8 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 

fi53 Belt Clasp (Giirtelschliesse). 1910 
Bronze, 2% x 2 i yi6" (6 x 7.2 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
fi54 Embroidery — Designs with Landscapes 
(Stickerei — Entwiirfe mit Landschaften). 

Pencil on paper, io 5 / 8 x 8^5" (27 x 
20.8 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
155 Bird in a Circle and Other Designs 

(Vogel im Rund itnd andere Entwiirfe). 

May-June 1904 

Pencil on paper, sy lf , x 6 l /s (10.8 x 

15.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 

bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
156 Three Designs for Pendants (Drei Ent- 
wiirfe fiir Anhanger). n.d. 

Pencil on paper, 4% X9H/16" (11.1 x 

24.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 

bachhaus, Munich 

Vy V 


Vasily Kandinsky 

157 Embroidery Design with Stylized Trees 
(Stickereientwurf mit stilisierten Baumen). 

Tempera and white crayon on black 
paper, 4, l V\6 x 7 5 /i 6 " (12.5 x 18.5 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
158 Volga Ships (Wolgaschiffe). 1905 

Applique with beaded embroidery, 
20% x 32 n /i<;" (53 x 8 3 cm -) 
Executed by Gabriele Miinter 
Collection Gabriele Munter-Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Vasty Kandinsky 
159 Embroider,- Design with Sun and Small 
Apple Trees , Stickereientuiirf mrt Sonne 
und Apfelbaumchen). n.d. 
Tempera and white crayon on black 
71?;:- -~ r x _: , " :7;i: ; - ~" 
Go Section SrSdrische Galerie im Len- 
bachhans. Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
rifin-d z ~ . r Small Purses for Sewing Articles 

V a Tosdhtbai fm Nabzmg). ca. 1905 

i ;i7rd embroidery, a. 5*- \ \ ■ ' . 

7 = X Ij 777. 

Executed by Gabriele Miinter 
Collection Gabriele Miinter-Johannes 
Ekhner Snftuns. Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

161 Tu-o Ladies in a Park u-ilh Monopteros 
a md Fond | Zu 'ei in einer Tarhan- 
Isge 'nit Monopteros und Taeb . 
ca. 1903 

Pencil on transparent paper, s 5 g x 2%" 
7_.i x 6 an.'] 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

I S 3 

August Macke 

162 Sketch for Worringer Tea Salon (Entwurf 
fur Worringer Tee-Salon). 1912 
Pencil on paper, 5 1 /, x 3^" (13.3 x 

8.z cm.) 

Collection Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn 

August Macke 

163 Study: Two Vases with Handles (Ent- 
wurf: Zwei Hcnkelkannen). 1911 
Watercolor on paper, 10% x 12%" (27 x 
32 cm.) 

Collection Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn 

August Macke 
164 Study: Two Vases (Entwurf: Zwei Bauch- 
vasen). 19 12 

Watercolor on paper, 10% x 12%" (27 x 
32 cm.) 
Collection Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn 

' f 




i6$Hermann Obrist and Wilhelm von Deb- 
schitz in Obrist's Studio (Hermann Obrist 
und Wilhelm von Debscbitz im Atelier 
von Obrist). 190Z 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Wolfgang von Wersin 
166 Abstract Study (Abstrakte Studie). 

Watercolor and lithograph on paper, 6 n /u 

x 9?is" (17 * 23.6 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


Wolfgang von Wersin 
167 Abstract Study (Abstrakte Studie). n.d. 
Watercolor and lithograph on paper, <$7i<-, 
x9 5 /8" (16.3 x 14.5 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


Wolfgang von Wersin 

168 Abstract Study (Abstrakte Studie). 

Watercolor and lithograph on paper, $Y\s 
x iVu" (13.5 x zo.8 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Wolfgang von Wersin 

169 Abstract Study (Abstrakte Studie). n.d. 
Watercolor and lithograph on paper, i n /is 
X5V2" (6.7 x 13.9 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Wolfgang von Wersin 

170 Abstract Study (Abstrakte Studie). 1903-04 
Watercolor and lithograph on paper, 5 x 
7V4" (11.7x18.5 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 


Paul Klee 

i-i Ten Studies for Diverse Sketches for End- 
papers (Zehn diverse Entiviirfe fiir Vor- 
satzpapier). 1909-14 
Pen and India ink over pencil and water- 
color on checkered writing paper on card- 
board, 12% x 9 1 /:" (32.1 x 24.1 cm.) 
Collection Paul Klee-Stiftung, Kunst- 
miiseum Bern 




After Franz Marc 

172 Orpheus and the Animals (Orpheus und 
die Tiere). 1907 

Oil on canvas, zyYic, x 52 15 /i<;" (74.5 x 
134.5 cm 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 
173 £.v Libris Daniel Pesl. 1901 

Color lithograph on paper, 4*4 x 2%'' 
(10.8 x 7 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 

174 £.v Libris Paul Marc. 1901 

Color lithograph on paper, ■}}{(, x 2%" 
(8.7 x 7.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
hachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 
fi75 Ex Libris Daniel Pesl. 1902 

Color lithograph on paper, $Y\(, x i li /u," 
(12.8 x 4.6 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 
176 Ex Libris. 1902 

Color lithograph on paper, $ x /\g x i xj, /\(," 
(12.8 x 4.6 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Franz Marc 

177 Ex Libris. 1905 

Color lithograph on paper, 3V2 x 3V2" 
(8.9 x 8.9 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

178 Sketch for a Poster for a French Brewery 
(Entwurf fur eine Affiche einer franzo- 
sischen Brauerei). 1906-07 
Gouache on paper, 17V2 x 2.0% " (44.5 x 
51.5 cm.) 
Lent by Davlyn Gallery, New York 



Akseli Gallen-Kallela 

179 Defense of the Sampo (Verteidigitng des 
Sampos). 1900 

Gouache and paper on cardboard 
mounted on canvas, 5 7 '/2 x S9%6" U46 x 
152. cm.) 

Collection The Art Museum of the 
Ateneum, Helsinki, Antell Collection 


Akseli Gallen-Kallela 

180 Landscape Under Snow (Winterbild). 

Tempera on canvas, z^Yit x 56 n /is" 
(76 x 144 cm.) 

Collection The Art Museum of the 
Ateneum, Helsinki, Antell Collection 




Akseli Gallen-Kaliela 

181 Wing (Flugel). 1900-02. 

Applique and embroidery on broadcloth 
and cotton cushion, 14% <•/' (36 cm.) d. 
Executed by Mary Gallen-Kaliela 
Collection Gallen-Kaliela Museum, 
Espoo, Finland 

Akseli Gallen-Kaliela 
182 Seaflower (Meeresblume). 1977 copy of 
1900-02 original 

Applique and embroidery on broadcloth 
cushion, 15% x 15 %" (39 x 39 cm.) 
Collection Gallen-Kaliela Museum, 
Espoo, Finland 


Akseli Gallen-Kallek 

183 Defense of the Sampo (Verteidigung des 
Sampos). 1895 

Woodcut on paper, 9V lfi x 7V&" (13 x 
18 cm.) 

Collection Gallen-Kallela Museum, 
Espoo, Finland 


Vasily Kandinsky 
184 Twilight (Dammerung). 1901 

Tempera, colored and black pencil, silver 
and goldbronze on cardboard, fi 3 /^ x 
18%" (i5-7 x 47-7 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

185 Trumpet (Trompete). 1907 

Color linocut on paper, i%g x 8%" (6.5 x 
2.2.6 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

fi86 Sketchbook (Skizzenbuch). ca. 1903-04 
Trumpet-Blowing Rider (Trompete- 
blasenden Reiter), page 31 of 40 sheets, 
pen and ink on paper, 6% x ^/k" (16.8 x 
11 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
187 Landscape with Trumpet-Blowing Rider 
(Landschaft mit trompeteblasendem 
Reiter). 1908-09 

Tusche brush over pencil on paper, 6V2 x 
814" (16.5 x 20.9 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
fi88 Landscape with Rider and Bridge (Land- 
schaft mit Reiter nnd Briicke). 1908-09 
Oil on paper mounted on cardboard, 12% 
x 10" (32.7 x 25.4 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
9a-f Six Letters to Akseli Gallen-Kallela 
(Sechs Briefe an Axel Gallen-Kallela). 
March 19, May 8, May 26, June 9, June 
10, June 13, 1902 

Pen and ink on paper (Phalanx letter- 
head), each ca. 8V2X 5%" (21.6x14.6 cm/ 
Collection Gallen-Kallela Museum, 
Espoo, Finland 

Gustav Freytag 
fi90 Letter to Akseli Gallen-Kallela (Brief an 
Axel Gallen-Kallela). April 28, 1902 
Pen and ink on paper (Phalanx letter- 
head), ca. 8I/2 x 5%" (21.6 x 14.6 cm.) 
Collection Gallen-Kallela Museum, 
Espoo, Finland 




Vasily Kandinsky 
191 Poster for V/7 Exhibition of Phalanx (VU. 
Ausstellung Phalanx). 1903 
Color lithograph on paper, 32% x 14 Vis" 
(83.5 x 61. 2. cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 




K0LLLKTI0M ™wrmwsTR.i5. 


VOM 9-6UhR. DMTRITTM.- 50. 

Gabriele Miinter 
19a Portrait of Kandinsky. 1906 

Color woodcut on paper, io 1 /! x 7 1/2" 
(25.9 x 19 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Gabriele Miinter 
193 Kandinsky at Landscape Painting (Kan- 
dinsky beim Landschaftsmalen). 1903 
Oil on canvasboard, 6% x 9' Mr," (16.9 x 
2.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

194 Gabriele Miinter Painting in Kallmiwi. 
(Gabriele Miinter beim Malen in 
Kallmiinz). 1903 

Oil on canvas, 2.3V16X 23 Vie" (58.5 x 
58.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
195 Sunday, Old Russian (Sonntag, altrus- 
sisch). 1904 

Oil on canvas, 17% x 377i6" (45 x 95 cm.) 
Collection Museum Boymans-van Beu- 
ningen, Rotterdam 

Vasily Kandinsky 
196 Beach Baskets in Holland (Strandkorbe 
in Holland). 1904 

Oil on canvasboard, 97^ x 12.%" (24 x 
32.6 cm.) 

Collection StSdtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

■£*■ ',■ -.* - 

Carl Strathmann 

197 The King of Fishes (Der Konig der 
Fische). ca. 1900 

Gouache, watercolor and ink on paper- 
board, 20 Via x 14^16" (51 x 37.6 cm.) 
Collection Badisches Landesmuseum, 

Carl Strathmann 
fi98 Title Page Design, "Before My Chamber 
Door, Lullaby, Before the Battle, Dance 
of Death" (Titelblattentwtirf, "Vor meiner 
Kammertiir , Schlummerlieder , Vor der 
Schlacht, Totentanz"). before 1899 
Tusche and watercolor highlighted with 
gold on paper, 13% x 10%" (34.5 x 
27 cm.) 

Collection Munchner Stadtmuseum, 


Vasily Kandinsky 
199 Three-beaded Dragon (Dreikopfiger 
Drache). 1903 

Woodcut on paper, 5% x 2 15 /is" (14.6 x 
7.4 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Carl Strathmann 

200 The World Serpent (Die Weltschlange). 
before 1900 

Watercolor and ink on paper, 9% x 9V8 
(2.3.2. x 23.2. cm.) 

Collection Badisches Landesmuseum, 


Carl Strathmann 

201 Satan. 1902. 

Watercolor on cardboard, 28 11 /i6 x 
i8»/ 16 " (72.8x72.5 cm.) 
Collection Munchner Stadtmuseum, 


Carl Strathmann 

202 Decorative Painting with Frame (Deko- 
ratives Bild mit Rahmen). ca. 1897 
Tusche and watercolor on paper, ca. 
1911/16 x 23 5 / s " (50 x 60 cm.) 
Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Carl Strathmann 

203 Small Serpent (Kleine Scblange). 

Watercolor on paper, 9 1 /) x 1^/4" (2-3-5 x 
35 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Paul Klee 
204 Untitled/2 Fish, 2 Hooks, 2 Worms (Obne 
Originaltitel/ 2 Fiscbe, 2 Angethaken, 
2 Wiirmer). 1901 

Watercolor and ink on paper, 6 x 8%f," 
(15.1 x 2.1.7 crn -) 
Collection Felix Klee, Bern 

Paul Klee 

205 Untitled/ 1 Fish, 2 Hooks, 1 Little Crea- 
ture (Ohne Originaltitel / 1 Fisch, 2 Anget- 
haken, 1 kleines Geiter). 1901 
Watercolor and ink on paper, 6Y\t, x 9V4" 
(16. 1 x 23.5 cm.) 
Collection Felix Klee, Bern 


Paul Klee 

206 Untitled! 1 Fish, 1 Hook, 1 Worm (Ohne 
Originaltitel/2 Fische, 1 Angelhaken, 1 
Wurm). 1901 

Watercolor and ink on paper, fi% x jYu" 
(16.2 x 23.3 cm.) 
Collection Felix Klee, Bern 

Paul Klee 

207 Untitled/ 2 Fish, One on the Hook (Ohne 
Originaltitel 1 '2 Fische, einer am Haken). 

Watercolor and ink on paper, 6 x 8%" 
(15.2 x 22.6 cm.) 
Collection Felix Klee, Bern 


Alfred Kubin 
208 The Pearl (Die Perle). 1906-08 
Tempera on paper, 15 x 16%" (38 x 
4Z.5 cm.) 
Private Collection 


Alfred Kubin 
209 Portfolio with Facsimile Prints After 15 
Colored Pen Drawings (Mappe mit Fak- 
simile Drucken nach 15 getonten 
Federzeichmmgen). 1903 
Each sheet, 9% x i4 3 /i6" (15 x I 6 cm -) 
Published by Hans von Weber, Munich 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 





Vasily Kandinsky 

210 Title Page for '"Verses Without Words" 
("Gedichte ohne Worte"). ca. 1903-04 
Woodcut on paper, 9 3 /i<; x 6%«" (23.3 x 
16.7 cm.) 

Collection The Museum of Modern Art, 
New York, Gift of Mrs. John D. 
Rockefeller 3rd 

Vasily Kandinsky 
|2ii Bustling Life from "Verses Without 

Words" (Bewegtes Leben von "Gedichte 

ohne Worte"). 1903 

Woodcut on paper, ^Y lf , x 67k;" (7-8 x 

16.4 cm.) 

Collection The Museum of Modern Art, 

New York, Gift of Mrs. John D. 

Rockefeller 3rd 

Vasily Kandinsky 
212 Xylographies. 1909 

Portfolio of 5 prints plus cover and title 
page, heliogravure on paper, each 12% 
x 12%" (32 x 32 cm.) 
Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 

Vasily Kandinsky 
213 Birds (Vogel). 1907 

Woodcut on paper, 5% x 5 n /is" (13.6 x 
14.4 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
214 The Night (Die Niicht). 1907 

Tempera and white ink on dark gray 
lined cardboard, 11% x 19%" (29.8 x 
49.8 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


c «~' \ « t * 

Vasily Kandinsky 
215 Farewell (Abscbied). 1903 

Color woodcut on paper, n 1 ^ x ii^g" 
(30 x 31 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

216 The Mirror (Der Spiegel). 1907 

Color woodcut on paper, 11V2 x 6 l A" 
(31.1 x 15.9 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 

Vasily Kandinsky 

217 In Summer (Im Sommer). 1904 

Color woodcut on paper, izVie x 5%' 
(30.6 x 15 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

f2i8 Night (Large Version) (Die Nacht [Grosse 
Fassung]). 1903 

Color woodcut on paper, n%6 x 4%" 
(29.4 x 12.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

219 The Golden Sail (Das goldene Segel). 

Color woodcut on paper, 5 x 11%" (12.7 
x 30.2 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
220 Russian Village on a River with Boats 
(Russisches Dorf am FIuss mit Schiffen). 
ca. 1901 

Tempera and colored pencil on paper, 
6%sx6% s " (17.3x16.7 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Karl Bauer 
221 Stefan George Circle: George with Wolf- 
skehl, Schiller, Klages, Verwey in Munich 
(Stefan George Kreis: George mit Wolf- 
skebl, Scbiiler, Klages, Verwey in 
Miinchen). 1901 

Collection Schiller-Nationalmuseum, 


J. Hilsdorf Bingen 

222 Stefan George. Munich, ca. 1903 

Collection Wiirttembergische Landes- 
bibliothek, Stuttgart 

Karl Bauer 

223 Portrait of Karl Wolfskehl (Bildnis Karl 
Wolfskehl). 1900 

Lithograph on paper, 7% x 7%" (20 x 
18.6 cm.) 

Collection Schiller-Nationalmuseum/ 
Deutsches Literaturarchiv, Marbach 


224 Poster for Alexander Sacharoff. ca. 1910 
Lithograph on paper, 41% x 31V2" 
(104.5 x 80 cm -) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 

Fritz Erler 

225 Stage Designs— Brakls Modern Art Gal- 
lery — Faust — Hamlet (Buhnenentwiirfe — 
Brakls Moderne Kunsthandlung— Faust- 
Hamlet), ca. 1908? 

Lithograph on paper, 39% x 23 5 /s" (100 x 
60 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 




pj rakl? vn°ocv,r\c i^vnsTi-iAiAPLyn^ 
G6TH(LSTRA5Se 64- 

OSCAR cpnsee mviwitnt. 


Max Littmann 

226 Mode! for Munich Artists' Theater 

Modell des Mi'mchner Kiinstlertheaters). 
ca. 1907-08 

Wood, 51V2 x 65 x 20%" (80 x 165 x 
53 cm.) 

Collection Deutsches Theatermuseum, 
Munich, Fruher Clara Ziegler-Stiftung 

Fritz Erler 
*227 Set Design for "Faust I" (Biibnenbildent- 
wurf zu "Faust 1"). 1908 

Collection Deutsches Theatermuseum, 
Munich, Friiher Clara Ziegler-Stiftung 

Adolf Hengeler 
zi$ "Hoopoe" (Lark No. 1 1, Figure for Joseph 
Kiiderer's "Wolkenkuckucksheim" 
("Hoopoe" [Wiedehopf Nr. i], Figur fur 
Joseph Riiderers "Wolkenkuckucks- 
belm"). 1908 

Watercolor and pencil on paper, io-Vs x 
j%" (2.6.3 x 19-8 cm.) 
Collection Deutsches Theatermuseum, 
Munich, Friiher Clara Ziegler-Stiftung 

Rolf Hoerschelman 

229 Cover for Sclnvabinger Schattenspiel. 
Prospectus 1908 by Alexander Freiherr 
von Bernus (F.inband, Schivabinger 
Schattenspiele Prospektbuch 1908 von 
Alexander Freiherr von Bernus). 1908 
Tusche on paper, 7X15 x \>/% (18.3 x 
11. 7 cm.) 

Collection Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 
schriftensammlung, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
230 Study for a Cover or Title Page of an 
Album with Music and Graphics (Ent- 
wurf fiir Einband oder Titelblatt eines 
Albums mit Musik und Graphik). 

Watercolor over pencil on paper, io 1 ^ x 
9Vu" (z-7- 8 x 2-3 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
131 The Veil (Die Schleier). 1907-08 

Watercolor over pencil on paper, 6% x 
87s" (17.6x22.5 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

232 Four Musicians in a Landscape (Vier 
Musikanten in Landschaft). 1908-09 
Watercolor and charcoal over pencil on 
paper, 4% 6 x 7 l A" (11.7 x 18.4 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

. , 1 ■ ■ » • « o ■„ i*i(, 




Adolf Holzel 

233 BLick Ornaments on Brown Ground 
(Schwarze Ornament e auf braunem 
Grttnd). before 1900 
Tusche on brown paper, 13 x 8>4" (33 x 
21 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Adolf Holzel 

234 Abstract Ornament with Text: 30 July 
189S (Abstraktes Ornament mit Schrift: 
30 Jtili 1S98J. 1898 
Ink on paper, 3 : yic x ^Yu" (10 x 24 cm.) 
Private Collection 

Adolf Holzel 

235 Abstract Ornament with Text (Abstraktes 
Ornament mit Schrift). ca. 1898 
India ink on paper, 13 x 8*4 " (33 x 21 cm.) 
Private Collection 

&?s£^^s?&zt - 


Paul Klee 

236 Monogram PK (Monogramm "PK"). 

Watercolor and India ink on school note- 
book cover, 9V6 x 7 3 /is" (23.2 x 18.2 cm.) 
Collection Felix Klee, Bern 

Adolf Holzel 

237 Initial "R" (Initiate "R"). before 1900 
India ink on paper, 4V2 x 8Vis" (11.5 x 
20.5 cm.) 
Private Collection 


Vasily Kandinsky 
238 Sketchbook (Skizzenbuch). 1903-04 
Designs for Embroideries (Entwiirfe fiir 
Stickereien), page 45 of 45 sheets, pencil 
on paper, 6Vg x ^Y\" (15.5 x 10 cm.) 
Collection Stiidtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

239 Study with Loop Motifs (Entivurf mit 
Schlingenmuster). ca. 1903 
Tempera and white crayon on black 
paper, 5VI, x 6 i Y u ," (13.4 x 17.7 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

240 Sketchbook (Skizzenbuch). 1904 

Decorative Design (Dekorativer Entwurf), 
page 21 of 112 sheets, pencil on graph 
paper, 6% x 4V16" [16.1 x 10.3 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Adolf Holzel 

241 Ornamental Figure Composition in Cir- 
cular Forms (Adoration) (Ornamenta- 
lische Figuren-Komposition in Kreisen- 
den Formen [Huldigung]). n.d. 
Pencil on paper (envelope), 4 x 7" (io.z x 
17.8 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Adolf Holzel 

242 Four Bowing Figures with Text Base 
(Vier sich verneigende Figuren mit 
Scbriftsockel). ca. 1914-15 

Pen and ink on lined paper, 13 x 9 5 /u" 
(33 x 20.8 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Vasily Kandinsky 

243 Untitled Watercolor (with Text) (Aqua- 
rell ohne Titel [mit Schrift]). ca. 1913 
Watercolor and tusche on paper, <) 7 /i6 x 
n 13 /i6" (2.3-9x30.3 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

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tut •fieiae&oSQte&otltm- o&ixaaMi&Z donor &ea**stM< • jod/tf&ns^ 

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Adolf Holzel 
244 Composition. Picture and Text Pen 

Drawing (Komposition. Bild itnd Schrift 
Federzeichnung) n.d. 
Pen and ink on gray paper, 9% x 6V2" 
(25 x 16.5 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 


Vasily Kandinsky 

245 Sketchbook from the Tunisia Trip 
(Skizzenbnch von der Tunis Reise). 

Arabic Calligraphy (Arabischer Kalligra- 
phie), page 31 of 40 sheets, pencil on 
paper, 6V2 x 4^6" (16.5 x 11 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

August Macke 
246 Abstract Signs III (Abstrakte Zeichen 
III), ca. 1913 

Tusche on paper, 4 x 6%" (10.2 x 
16.2 cm.) 
Collection Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn 



±$^:y Ikih^ 

August Macke 

247 Abstract Signs X (Abstrakte Zeichen 
X). ca. 1913 

Tusche on paper, 4 x 6%" (10.2 x 
16.2 cm.) 
Collection Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn 


Adolf Holzel 
248 Ornamental Figure Composition (Orna- 
mentalische Figuren-Kotnposition). 

Quill pen and ink on paper, 11% x 8%" 
(19.5 x 21.8 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Adolf Holzel 
249 Composition with Two Abstract Figura- 
tions (Komposition mit zwei abstrakten 
Figurationen). n.d. 

Quill pen and ink on paper, n'VU x 8%'' 
(19.7x21.7 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Adolf Holzel 

250 Figuration in Black, Green ami Orange 
(Figuration in Schwarz, Griin unci 
Orange), n.d. 

Tusche and vvatercolor on paper (pros- 
pectus sheet), 6V4 x 8" (15.8 x 20.3 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 



Adolf Holzel 

251 The Battle (Die Schlacht). n.d. 

Pen and ink with colored pencil on news- 
print, 7% x 6 15 /i<s" (19.7 x 17.7 cm.) 
relikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Adolf Holzel 

252 Figure Ornament with Edging Strip 
(Figurenornament mit Randleiste). 
ca. 1916 

Quill pen and ink on paper, 13 x 8>4" 
(33 x 21 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 

Adolf Holzel 

253 Free Ornament (Freies Ornament). 
ca. 1915-16 

Quill pen drawing on paper, 8V> x 7%" 
(21.6 x 20 cm.) 
Pelikan-Kunstsammlung, Hannover 


2 33 

Paul Klee 

254 Suburb (North Munich) (Vorstadt 
MiinchenNord]). 1913 
Pen, brush, tusche, wash and zinc white 
on paper, 4^ x 7%" (11. 1 x 194 cm -) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Eupen von Kahler 
255 Garden of Love (Liebesgarteu). 1910-11 
Watercolor and ink on paper, 7V2 x 
ioH/k," (19 x 27-1 cm -) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Albert Bloch 
256 To the Clown Picture IV (Zum Klownbild 
IV). 1914 

Watercolor on paper, 13% x i^Vu" 
(34.9 x 44.9 cm.) 
Collection Felix Klee, Bern 

Alfred Kubin 
257 The Fisherman (Der Fischer). 1911-19 
Ink on paper, 8% x 5%" («-5 x T 4-8 cm.) 
Private Collection 






Vasily Kandinsky 

258 Riding Couple (Reitendes Paar). 1907 
Oil on canvas, ii n /is x 19%" (55 x 
50.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Martha Cunz 

259 View of the Santis (Blick auf den Sdntis). 

Color woodcut on paper, 9% xn'/j" 

(24.7 x 29.8 cm.) 

Collection Kunstmuseum St. Gallen 

Vasily Kandinsky 

260 Landscape near Murnau with Locomotive 
(Miirnaidandschaft). 1909 
Oil on board, 19% x 25%" (50.4 x 65 cm.) 
Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
261 Improvisation VI (African) (Improvisa- 
tion VI /Afrikanisches]). 1909 
Oil on canvas, 42^ x 37%" (107 x 
95.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galcrie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Adolf Holzel 
262 Composition in Red I (Komposition in 
Rot 1). 1905 

Oil on canvas, 26% x 33V2" (68 x 85 cm.) 
Kunstmuseum Hannover mit Sammlung 
Sprengel— Loan from Pelikan- 


Adolf Holzel 

*z6$ Prayer of the Children (Gebet der Kinder). 

Collage on canvas, 19^'u, x 15 v ," (50 x 
40 cm.) 

Kunstmuseum Hannover mit Sammlung 
Sprengel— Loan from Pelikan- 


Adolf Holzel 

264 Autumn (Herbst). 1914 

Oil on canvas, 33V2 x 26%" (85 x 67 cm.) 
Kunstmuseum Hannover mit Sammlung 
Sprengel— Loan from Pelikan- 

24 1 

Vasily Kandinsky 
265 White Sound (Weisser Klang). 1908 
Oil on cardboard, 27% x 17 Y," (70.2 x 
70.5 cm.) 

Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin J. 
Fortson, Fort Worth 


Vasily Kandinsky 
266 White Sound (Weisser Klang). 1911 
Color woodcut on paper, 3 7 /k, x ^/xd 
(8.8 x9.7 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
267 Lyrical (Lyrisches). 191 1 

Oil on canvas, 37 x 51 Mr," (94 x 130 cm.) 
Collection Museum Boymans-van 
Beuningen, Rotterdam 

Vasily Kandinsky 
|268 Lyrical (Lyrisches). 191 1 

Color woodcut on paper, 5 n /ir> x 89'ir," 
(14.5 x 21.7 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
hachhaus, Munich 



Vasily Kandinsky 
269 Archer (Bogenschiitze). 1908-09 
Color woodcut on paper, 12% x 9V2" 
(31.4 x 24.2 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
270 The Guardian (Der Wachter). ca. 1907 
Pencil and zinc white on blue paper, 6%6 
x io 5 /ir," (15-7 x 2.6.Z cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 



Vasily Kandinsky 

271 Poster for / Exhibition of the Neue 
Kiinstlervereinigung Miinchen (Neue 
Kiinstlervereinigung Miinchen, Ausstel- 
lung 1). 1909 

Lithograph on paper, 10% x 8V2" (2.7-1 x 
21.7 cm.) 
Private Collection 






Vasily Kandinsky 

272 Study for Signet for the Nene Kunstler- 
vereinigung Miinchen (Entwurf fiir das 
Signet der Neiten Kunstlervereinigung 
Miinchen). 1908-09 
Wash over pencil on paper, 2% x 47i6" 
(7.1 x 11. 2 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
273 Study for Signet for the Nene Kiinstler- 
vereinignng Miinchen (Entwurf fiir das 
Signet der Nenen Kunstlervereinigung 
Miinchen). 1908-09 
Wash over pencil on paper, 2% x aP/\" 
(7.4 x 11. 2 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

274 Study for Signet for the Nene Kunstler- 
vereinigung Miinchen (Entwurf fiir das 
Signet der Neuen Kunstlervereinigung 
Miinchen). 1908-09 
Wash over pencil on paper, 2iV\c, x 4V2" 
(7.8 x 11. 5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

275 Cliffs (Felsen). 1908-09 

Woodcut on paper, 4% x 5" V (12.3 x 
14.4 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
1276 Membership Card for the Neue Kiinstler- 
vereinigung Miinchen (Neue Kiinstler- 
vereinigung Miinchen, Mitgliedskarte). 

Woodcut on paper, 6Y\ h x 6%" (16 x 
16.6 cm.) 
Private Collection 

Vasily Kandinsky 

277 Poster for // Exhibition of the Neue 
Kiinstlervereinigung Miinchen (Neue 
Kiinstlervereinigung Miinchen, Ausstel- 
lungll). 1910 

Lithograph on paper, 10% x 8V2" (27 x 
21.5 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtsmuseum, 



VOH I. BIS 1%. SEPTEMBER 1910. * 


278 Nene Kiinstlervereinigung Miinchen: 
Entry Card for the Exhibition Sponsored 
by the Society (Eintrittskarte fur die von 
der Vereinigung veranstalteten Ausstel- 
lung). ca. 1909 

Multiple copy typeset on pasteboard, 3 V4 
X4 5 /u" (8-3 x 11 cm.) 
Private Collection 

279 Neue Kiinstlervereinigung Miinchen: Jury 
Form for the Exhibitions of the Society 
(Vordruck fiir die fury der Ausstellungen 
der Vereinigung). ca. 1909 
Multiple copy typeset on paper, 6 l Y\ s x 
4%" (17.7x11.2 cm.) 
Private Collection 




Ew. Hochwoblgeboren! 

Hiardurch teilen wir Ihnen das 
Resultat der Jury Ihrer Werke 
hoflichst mit: 



Der Vorstand. 

2-5 1 

280 Neite Kiinstlerveremigung Miinchen: 
Communication Inviting Participation in 

the Catalogue of the Second Exhibition 
of the Society (Mitteilung zur Gestaltung 
des Kataloges der zweiten Ausstellung der 

Vereinigung). 1910-11 

Multiple copy typeset on paper, 8% x 

615/ir," (21.2 x 17.7 cm.) 

Private Collection 

281 Nene Kiinstlerveremigung Miinchen: 
Communication Inviting Participation in 
the Catalogue of the Second Exhibition 
of the Society (Mitteilung zur Gestaltung 
des Kataloges der zweiten Ausstellung der 
Vereinigung). 1910-n 
Multiple copy typeset on paper, 8% x 
6 l Yi (" (22.2 x 17.7 cm.) 
French text 
Private Collection 

CHEN, j un * j- 


- : tli rvareir.igung 



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282 Neue Kiinstlervereinigiing Miinchen: 
Circular Announcing Society on Folded 
Sheet (Zirkular auf Faltblatt). ca. 1909 
Multiple copy typeset on paper, 8% x 
615/ 16 " (22.2x17.7 cm.) 
Private Collection 

Moissey Kogan 

283 Medal for the Neue Kiinstlervereinigiing 
Miinchen (Medaille der Neuen Kiinstler- 
vereinigung Miinchen). 1910 
Cast bronze, iVs" (2-9 cm.) d. 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 




Wir erlauben una, Ihre Aufmerksamkeit 
auf eine KUnatlervereinigung zu lenken, die iin 
Januar 1989 ine Leben getreten ist und die 
H of fining hegt, durch Ausstellung ernater 
Kunstwerke nach ihren Krafien an der For- 
derung kiinstlcriacher KuHur mitzuarbeiten. 
Wir gehen aui von dem Gedanken, dass der 
KDnatler auiter den Eindrucken, die er von 
der Susaeren Well, der Natur, erhalt, for!- 
wahrend in einer inneren Welt Erlebnisee 
•ammell; und das Suchen nach kfinatleriachen 
Formen , arelche die gegenseitige Durchdrin- 
gung dieser aSmtlichen Erlcbnisae zum Aus- 
druok bringen aollen — nach Formen, die von 

allem Nebensachlichen faefreit sein milssen, 
um nur daa Notwendige stark zum Ausdruck 
zu bringen, — kurz, das Streben nach klinst- 
lerischer Synthcse, dies scheint uns eine 
Losung, die gegenwartig witder immer mehr 
KQnstler geistig vereinigt. Durch die Griindung 
unserer Vereinigung hoffen wir dieaen geisti- 
gen Beziehungen unter Kiinstlern eine male- 
rielle Form zu geben, die Gelegenheit schaffen 
wird, mil vereinten KraHen lur Oeffentlichkeit 
zu sprechen. 




Vasily Kandinsky 
284 Group in Crinolines (Reifrockgesell- 
schaft). 1909 

Oil on canvas, 37V2 x 59Vs" (95-- x 
150. 1 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
285 Study for "Composition II" (Skizze fiir 
"Komposition 2"). 1909-10 
Oil on canvas, 38% x $1%" (97.5 x 
131. 2 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Pierre Girieud 

286 judas. ca. 1909 

Oil on canvas, 36^6 x 28%" (92.3 x 

73 cm-) 

Lent by Galerie Gunzenhauser, Munich 


Erma Barrera-Bossi 

287 Moonlit Night (Mondnacht). 1909 
Oil on canvas, 2.6 x 34V1,-," (66 x 86.5 cm.) 
Private Collection 

^■anK: . ■ ■ 


Marianne von Werefkin 

288 Early Spring (Vorfriihling). 1907 

Oil and tempera on board, 21% x 28%' 

(55.2x73 cm.) 

Collection Thomas P. Whitney 


Franz Marc 
289 Poster for Franz Marc Exhibition, Brakls 
Modern Art Gallery (Ansstellung Franz 
Marc, Brakls Moderne Kunstbandlung). 

Lithograph on paper, 3 6*4 x 25" (92 x 
63.5 cm.) 

Collection Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 




rvi r\ n> 





Gabriele Miinter 
290 Jawlensky and Marianne von Werefkin. 

Oil on cardboard, 11% x 1714" (32.7 x 
44.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Gabriele Miinter 

291 Man in a Chair (Paul Klee) (Mann im 
Sessel [Paul Klee]). 1913 
Oil on canvas, 37^6 x 44 5 /k;" (95 x 
112..5 cm.) 

Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, 



%£k. %• ■ MlUiLlL 
£*£. ^AY^.L.nJK 


Mjx- ItLytitu. 

Paul Klee 

292 Drawing for an Occasion (Figure with 
Streaming Hair) (Gelegenheitszeichnung 
[Figur mit Haarstrahnen]). 1913 
Ink on paper, 2% x 2" (6.6 x 5.1 cm.) 
Postcard to Miinter dated June 26, 1913 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 
293 Byzantine Saint (Seated Saint) (Byzan- 
tinischer Heiliger [Sitzender Heiliger]). 

Tempera and oil on paper, 5V2 x iVu," 
(14 x9 cm.) 

Postcard to Kandinsky dated June 8, 1913 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 

294 Cinnabar Greeting (Zinnobergrnss). 

Tempera on paper, 5 1 /: x 3%s" (14 x 

9 cm.) 

Postcard to Kandinsky 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 

bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 

295 Four Foxes (Vier Fiichse). 1913 
Watercolor on paper, 5V3 x } 7 /ic" 
(14 x9 cm.) 

Postcard to Kandinsky 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 

bachhaus, Munich 



Vasily Kandinsky 
296 Blue Mountain (Der blaue Berg). 

Oil on canvas, 41-% x 38" (106 x 96.6 cm.) 
Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vladimir von Bechtejeff 

297 Battle of the Amazons (Die Amazonen- 
scblacht). 1910 

Oil on canvas, 41% x 6i7i<;" (105 x 
156 cm.) 

Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, 


Gabriele Miinter 
298 Man at the Table (Kandinsky) (Mann am 
Tisch [Kandinsky]). 191 1 
Oil on cardboard, zoYu, x 27" (51.6 x 
68.5 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

299 Before the City (Vor der Stadt). 1908 
Oil on paper, 27V6 x i^Ad' (68.8 x 49 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

z6 7 




Vasily Kandinsky 

*300 Composition V. 1911 

Oil on canvas, 74^16 x ioSY u " (190 x 

2-75 cm -) 

Private Collection, Switzerland 

Vasily Kandinsky 
301 Cover Design for "Concerning the Spirit- 
ual in Art" (Einbandentwurf fiir "Uber 
das Geistige in der Knnst"). ca. 1910 
Tusche and opaque colors over pencil on 
paper mounted on paper, 6% x 5 1 / 4" (17-5 
x 13.3 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Gabriele Miinter 
302 First BLitte Reiter Exhibition (Erste Ans- 
tellung der Blatter Reiter). 191 1-12 

Collection Gabriele Miinter- Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

Franz Marc 
303 Yellow Cow (Gelbe Kith). 1911 
Oil on canvas, 55% x 74V2" (140.5 x 
189.2 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 



304 Figure of the God Xipe Totec, "The 
Flayed God" (Figitr des Gottes Xipe 
Totec, "Uitseres tierm, des Geschun- 
deiien"). Aztec, Huextla, Mexico 
Clay, 6 7 / I6 " (ifi.zcm.) h. 
Collection Staatliches Museum fiir 
Volkerkunde, Munich 

*305 Sculpture from the Cameroons (PListik 
aits Kamerun). 

Wood, 68'/; x i^Yir," (174 x 33.5 cm.) 
Collection Staatliches Museum fiir 
Volkerkunde, Munich 


¥0 iGb 


306 Dance Mask of the Demon of Disease, 
Maba-cola-sanni-yaksaya (Tanzmaske 
des Krankbeitsdamons Maba-cola-sanni- 
yaksaya). Ceylon 
Painted wood, 47% x 3i%s" (izo x 
79.8 cm.) 

Collection Staatliches Museum fur 
Volkerkunde, Munich 


307 Chieftain's Cape (Hauptlingskragen). 
Tlingit (Chilcat) tribe, Alaska 
Wool and leather, 36'/," (92. cm.) w. 
Collection Staatliches Museum fiir 
Volkerkunde, Munich 


308 Stilt (Stelzentritt). Marquesas Islands 
Wood, ii'/k," (3icm.)h. 
Collection Staatliches Museum fiir 
Volkerkunde, Munich 

309 Mask (Maske). New Caledonia 
Wood, 24 7 / 16 " (62 cm.) h. 
Collection Staatliches Museum fiir 
Volkerkunde, Munich 

310 Ancestor Figure (Ahnenfigur). Easter 

Toomiro wood?, 12%" (32 cm.) h. 
Collection Staatliches Museum fiir 
Volkerkunde, Munich 


Vastly Kandinsky 

311 Design for the Cover of the Blaue Reiter 
Almanac (Etttwurf fi'tr den Umschlag des 
Almanacks "Der Blaue Reiter"). 1911 
Watercolor over pencil on paper, 10% x 
8V (27-7 x "-8 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

312 Design for the Cover of the Blaue Reiter 
Almanac (Entwurf filr den Umschlag des 
Almanacks "Der Blaue Reiter"). 1911 
Tusche, watercolor and pencil on paper, 
10% x 8iy u ," (27-7 x 22.3 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


2 7 6 

Vasily Kandinsky 
313 Design for the Cover of the Blaite Reiter 
Almanac (Entwurf fiir den Vmschlag des 
Almanacks "Der Blaue Reiter"). 1911 
Watercolor over pencil on paper, n x 
89/ 1( -," (28 x11.7 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 

314 Final Design for the Cover of the Blaue 
Reiter Almanac (Endgiiltiger Entwurf fiir 
den Vmschlag des Almanachs "Der Blaite 
Reiter"). 19 11 

Tusche and watercolor over pencil trac- 
ing on paper, n x 8%" (27.9 x 21.9 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
315 Design for the Cover of the BLute Reiter 
Almanac (Enticurf fiir den Umschlag des 
Almanacks "Der Blaue Reiter"). 191 1 
Tusche and watercolor over pencil on 
paper, 10% x 8%s" (27.7 x 11.9 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

316 Design for the Cover of the Blaue Reiter 
Almanac (Entwurf fur den Unischlag des 
Almanachs "Der Blaue Reiter"). 1911 
Watercolor over pencil on paper, 10% x 
8% fi " (27.7x2.1.8 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
317 Design for the Cover of the Blaue Reiter 
Almanac (Entwurf fur den Umschlag des 
Almanacks "Der Blaue Reiter"). 191 1 
Watercolor over pencil on paper, 10% x 
8%r," (2.7.5 x m-8 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 



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Vasily Kandinsky 
318 St. George II (Heiliger Georg II). 191 1 
Glass painting, 11% x ^/n" ( 2 9-8 x 
14.7 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
319 St. George No. 3 (St. Georg Nr. 3). 1911 
Oil on canvas, 38 3 / 8 x 42. 5 / 16 " (97.5 x 
107.5 cm -) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
320 Small Pleasures (Kleine Freucien). 1911 
Glass painting, izVk, x 15%" (30.6 x 
40.3 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
hachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
321 Small Pleasures (Kleine Frenden). 
June 1913 

Oil on canvas, 43^ x 47V6" (109.8 x 
119.7 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
322 With Three Riders (Mit drei Reitern). 

Tusche and watercolor on paper, 9% x 
12%" {25 x 32 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 
323 Painting with White Border (Das Bild mit 
weissem Rand). May 1913 
Oil on canvas, 5514 x 78%" (140.3 x 
200.3 cm -) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
324 Det.ul Studies for "Painting with White 
Border" (Detailstudien ;u "Bild mil 
weissem Rand"). 191 3 

Pencil on gray paper, io'/'k, x 14%" 
(27.5 x 37.8 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

325 Study for Painting with White Border 
(Studie zum Bild mit weissem Rand). 

Ink on paper, 10 x 9%" (15.5 x Z4.6 cm.) 
Collection Musee National d'Art 
Moderne, Paris 


Vasily Kandinsky 
326 Color Study with Lozenges (Farbstudie 
>tiit Rauten). ca. 1913 
Watercolor and pencil on paper, n 1 ^ x 
9Vir" (3°-3 x 14 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Vasily Kandinsky 

327 Color Study: Squares with Concentric 
Rings (Farhstudie: Quadrate mit konzen- 
trischen Ringen). ca. 1913 
Watercolor and opaque colors with 
crayon on paper, vVu x ii7is" ( z 3-9 x 
31.6 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie ira Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
328 Color Theory Observations and Sketches 
(Farbtheoretische Betrachtungen und 
Skizzen). ca. 1913 
Ink on paper, io 1 ^,; x 8 5 /i<-," (27.5 x 
11. 1 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
hachhaus, Munich 

Vasily Kandinsky 
329 Color Theory Observations and Sketches 
(Farbtheoretische Betrachtungen und 
Skizzen). ca. 1913 
Ink on paper, io 1 ^ x 8%«" (27.5 x 
21. 1 cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

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Vasily Kandinsky 
330 Color Theory Observations and Sketches 
(Farbtheoretische Betrachtungen und 
Skizzen). ca. 1913 

Crayon on paper, xo 1 ^ x 8 5 /ic," (27.5 x 
zi.i cm.) 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 




Vasily Kandinsky 
331 Landscape with Church I (Landschaft mit 
der Kirche I). 1913 
Oil on canvas, 3o n /ir, x 39%" (78 x 
100 cm.) 
Collection Museum Folkwang, Essen 


Vasily Kandinsky 
332 Black Lines (Schwarze Linien). 
December 1913 

Oil on canvas, 51 x 51%" (12-9-4 x 
131.1 cm.) 

Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


Vasily Kandinsky 
333 Untitled Watercolor (Aquarell ohne Titel). 

Watercolor on paper, i9 n /i<; x 21%" 
(50 x 65 cm.) 

Collection Musee National d'Art 
Moderne, Paris 


Vasily Kandinsky 

334 Paradise (Paradies). 1911-12. 

Tusche and watercolor over pencil on 
paper mounted on cardboard, <?%<; x 
^Vu" (M x 16 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Franz Marc 

335 Caliban: Costume Study for Shakespeare's 
"The Tempest" (Caliban: Kostiimeutwurf 
zu "Der Sturm" von Shakespeare). 1914 
Watercolor and opaque white on paper, 
i8V 8 x 15%" (46 x 39.7 cm.) 
Collection Kupferstichkabinett, Kunst- 
museum Basel 

Franz Marc 
336 Miranda: Costume Study for Shake- 
speare's "The Tempest" (Miranda: Kos- 
tiimentwurf zu "Der Sturm" von 
Shakespeare). 19 14 

Watercolor and tempera on paper, 18% x 
i5%<s" (46 x39.6 cm.) 
Collection Kupferstichkabinett, Kunst- 
museum Basel 


Thomas de Hartmann 

f337 Fragments of the Score for The Yellow 
Sound (Friigmente der Parthur, Der gelbe 
Klang). ca. 1909 

Collection Music Library, Yale Univer- 
sity, New Haven 

Vasily Kandinsky 
f338 Scenario for The Yellow Sound with 
Annotations by de Hartmann and Kan- 
dinsky (Szenar, Der gelbe Klang, mit 
Anmerkungen von de Hartmann itnd 
Kandinsky). ca. 1911 
Collection Music Library, Yale Univer- 
sity, New Haven 

August Macke 

339 ] est on The Blue Rider (Persiflage auf den 
Blauen Keiter). 1913 
Watercolor, pencil and crayon on paper, 
to 1 A x S 1 /^" (26 x 21 cm.) 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 


Arnold Schonberg 

340 Vision. 1910 

Oil on canvas, 12% x 7%" (31 x 20 cm.) 
Collections of the Library of Congress, 
Washington, D.C. 

341 Arnold Schonberg. 191 1 

Collection Gabriele Miinter- Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich 

£.'yj*- K or' /C*v«V/ta< / y 

4 r* 


Arnold Schonberg 
342 Self -Portrait (Selbstportrat). 191 1 
Oil on cardboard, 1914 x 17" (48.9 x 
43. z cm.) 
Collection Schonberg Estate, Los Angeles 


Vasily Kandinsky 
343 Cover, Transition, no. 27, April-May 
7932 (Umschlag fur Transition). 1932 
Screenprint on paper, 7% x 5 1 //' 
(20 x 13.3 cm.) 

Collection The Art Reference Library, 
The Brooklyn Museum, New York 


August Endell 

344 Um die Schonheit . . . (On Beauty . . .), 
Munich, Verlag Emil Franke, 1896 
Collection Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 

345 Die hisel (Monatscbrift mil Buchschmuck 
und lllustrationen) (The island [Monthly 
Magazine with Book Decoration and 
Illustrations}), vol. I, no. 7 (3rd quarter), 

Published by Schuster & Loeffler, Berlin 
Collection Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

346 Jugend (Youth), vol. II, parts, I, II, 1897 
Published by Georg Hirth, Munich 
Collection Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

347 Deutsche Kunst und Dekoration (German 
Art and Decoration), vol. I, October- 
March, 1897-98 

Published by Alexander Koch, Darmstadt 
Collection The New York State Library, 
The University of the State of New York, 
Cultural Education Center, Albany 

348 Mi'tnclmer Almanack: Ein Sammelbuch 
neuer deutscher Dichtung (Munich Alma- 
nac: An Anthology of Recent German 
Literature), Munich and Leipzig, R. Piper 
&C Co., 1905 

Essays, plays, poetry and music by Oskar 
A. H. Schmitz, George Fuchs, Wilhelm 
Worringer and others 
Private Collection, United States 

Hermann Obrist 

349 Neue Moglichkeiten (New Possibilities), 
Leipzig, Eugen Diederichs, 1903 

Printed by Oscar Brandstetter, Leipzig 
Private Collection, United States 


35° Linie und Form (Line and Form), exhibi- 
tion catalogue, Kaiser Wilhelm-Museum, 
Krefeld, April-May 1904 
Published and printed by Kramer &C 
Baum, Krefeld 
Private Collection, United States 

351 Farbenschau im Kaiser Wilhelm-Museum 
(Color Show in the Kaiser 'Wilhelm- 
Museum), exhibition catalogue, Kaiser 
Wilhelm-Museum, Krefeld, April 1902. 
Cover design by Ludwig von Hofmann, 
text design by Richard Grimm 
Published and printed by G. A. Hohns 
Sohne, Krefeld 
Private Collection, United States 

357 Katalog der VII. Ausstellung der Miinch- 
ner Kiinstler-Vereinigung Phalanx (Cata- 
logue of the VII. Exhibition of the Munich 
Artists' Association Phalanx), Munich, 
May-June 1903 

Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

358 Katalog der VIII. Ausstellung der Miinch- 
ner Kiinstler-Vereinigung Phalanx (Cata- 
logue of the VIII. Exhibition of the 
Munich Artists' Association Phalanx), 
Munich, November-December 1903 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

364 Katalog der //. Ausstellung der Neuen 

Kiinstlervereinigung Miinchen (Catalogue 
of the II. Exhibition of the Neue Kiinstler- 
vereinigung Miinchen), Turnus, 1910-n 
Introductory statements by Le Fauconnier, 
Dmitri and Vladimir Burliuk, Kandinsky 
and Odilon Redon 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

365 Der Blaue Reiter Almanack (The Blue 
Rider Almanac), 2nd edition, Munich, 
R. Piper 5c Co., 1914 
Special Collections, University Library, 
State University of New York at Bing- 

Walter Crane 

352 Line and Form, 3rd edition, London, 
George Bell &C Sons, 1904 
Private Collection, United States 

Alfred Kubin 

359 Die andere Seite (The Other Side), 
Munich, Georg Miiller, 1909 
Blau Memorial Collection, Princeton 
University, New Jersey 

366 Katalog der I. Ausstellung der Blauer 
Reiter (Catalogue of the 1. Exhibition of 
the Blue Rider), Munich, 1910-11 
Collection Kenneth C. Lindsay, Bing- 
hamton, New York 

Walter Crane 

353 Linie und Form (Line and Form), trans. 
Paul Seliger, 1st German edition, Munich, 
Hermann Seeman Nachfolger, 1901 
Cover design and illustrations by Walter 
Private Collection, United States 

Vasily Kandinsky 

360 Klange (Sounds), Munich, R. Piper & Co., 

38 poems in prose, 12 color woodcuts, 44 
black and white woodcuts 
Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 

Vasily Kandinsky 
367 Uber das Geistige in der Kunst (Concern- 
ing the Spiritual in Art), 1st edition, 
R. Piper & Co., 1912 
Collection Kenneth C. Lindsay, Bing- 
hamton, New York 

354 Katalog der II. Ausstellung der Miinchner 
Kiinstler-Vereinigung, Phalanx (Catalogue 
of the II. Exhibition of the Munich Art- - 
ists' Association Phalanx), Munich, 
January-March 1902 
Collection Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, Munich 

Franz Marc 

355 Web-Muster entworfen von Franz Marc 
fiir den Plessmannschen Handwebestuhl 
(Weaving Patterns Designed by Franz 
Marc for the Plessman Handloom), 
Munich, Simon A. von Eckhardt, Verlag 
der Miinchner Lehrmittelhandlung, 
Wilhelm Plessman, 1909 
Collection Price-Gilbert Memorial 
Library, Georgia Institute of Technology, 

356 Katalog der IV. Ausstellung der Miinch- 
ner Kiinstler-Vereinigung Phalanx (Cata- 
logue of the IV. Exhibition of the Munich 
Artists' Association Phalanx), Munich, 

Collection Gallen-Kallela Museum, Es- 
poo, Finland 

Stefan George and Karl Wolfskehl 

361 Deutsche Dichtung (German Poetry), vol. 
II, Goethe, Berlin, Blatter fiir die Kunst, 

Title page illumination by Melchior 

Collection Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

Stefan George 

362 Teppich des Lebens und die Lieder von 
Traum und Tod mit einem Vorspiel (The 
Tapestry of Life and the Songs of Dream 
and Death with a Prelude), Berlin, Blat- 
ter fiir die Kunst, 1900 
Designed and illustrated by Melchior 

Collection Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

Stefan George 

363 Das Jahr der Seele (The Year of the Soul), 
Berlin, Blatter fiir die Kunst, 1897 
Collection Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D.C. 

Hugo von Tschudi 

368 Gesammelte Schriften zur neueren Kunst 
(Collected Writings on Recent Art), Dr. E. 
Schwedeler-Meyer, ed., 1912 
Private Collection, United States 

Vasily Kandinsky 
369 Point and Line to Plane (Punkt und Linie 
zu Flache), trans. Howard Dearstyne and 
Hilla Rebay, New York, The Solomon R. 
Guggenheim Foundation, 1947 
Collection The Solomon R. Guggenheim 
Museum, New York 


There ivas a piebald horse (with yellow ochre body and bright yellow mane) 
in a game of horse race which my aunt and I especially liked. We always fol- 
lowed a strict order: I was allowed one turn to have this horse under my 
jockeys, then my aunt one. To this day I have not lost my love for these 
horses. It is a joy for me to see one such piebald horse in the streets of Munich: 
he comes into sight every summer when the streets are sprinkled. He awakens 
the sun living in me. He is immortal, for in the fifteen years that I have known 
him he has not aged. It teas one of my first impressions when I moved to 
Munich that long ago— and the strongest. I stood still and followed him for 
a long time with my eyes. And a half-conscious but sunny promise stirred in 
my heart. It brought the little lead horse within me to life and joined Munich 
to the years of my childhood. This piebald horse suddenly made me feel at 
home in Munich. As a child I spoke a great deal of German (my maternal 
grandmother came from the Baltic). The German fairy tales which I had so 
often heard as a child came to life. The high, narrow roofs of the Promenaden 
Platz and the Maximilian Platz, which have noiv disappeared, old Schivabing, 
and particularly the An which I once discovered by chance, transformed these 
fairy tales into reality. The blue tramway passed through the streets like the 
embodiment of a fairy-tale atmosphere that makes breathing light and joyful. 
The yellow mailboxes sang their canary-yellow-loud song on the corners. I 
welcomed the inscription "art mill" and felt that I ivas in a city of art, which 
was the same to me as a fairy-tale city. From these impressions came the 
medieval pictures which I later painted. 


"Riickblicke," 1913 



So many sources have been consulted in 
the compilation of this chronology that it 
is not possible to cite them all. However, 
it should be noted that in addition to the 
standard studies (such as Eichner, Groh- 
mann and Gordon), the following more 
recent works also cited in the bibliogra- 
phy have been particularly helpful: Rothel 
and Benjamin, Kandinsky, New York, 
1979; Post-Impressionism Cross-Currents 
in European Painting, Royal Academy 
exh. cat., New York, 1979; and the Kan ; 
dinsky-Miinter correspondence, Lindsay 
collection. Only the years covered by this 
exhibition, 1896-1914, are treated in de- 
tail here. 


December 4. Kandinsky born in Moscow 
(according to old Russian calendar, 
November 22). 


Travels to Italy with parents. 


Family moves to Odessa, where he studies 
art and music, and later attends humanis- 
tic Gymnasium. 

Enters University of Moscow, studies law 
and economics. 

Participates in expedition to Vologda 
province sponsored by Society of Natural 
Science and Anthropology; writes study 
of peasant laws and customs, which 
Society publishes. Kandinsky is much im- 
pressed by vigorous peasant folk art. 
Visits St. Petersburg and Paris. 

Completes university studies, passes law 
examination. Marries Ania Shemiakina, 
a cousin. Second trip to Paris. 


Becomes teaching assistant at University 
of Moscow. 


Works as an artistic director in Kusverev 
printing firm in Moscow. 


At exhibition of French painting in Mos- 
cow, Kandinsky is overwhelmed by 
Monet's Haystack in the Sun (fig. 9); 
observes that the object is not indispen- 
sable to the painting. 
Rejects offer of teaching position at Uni- 
versity of Dorpat (Tartu, Estonia) to de- 
vote himself to study of painting. 
Moves to Munich, enters Azbe atelier, 
where he studies for two years. 


June 1. Residence registered in Stadtar- 
chiv as Georgenstrasse 62. 
June 23. Moves to Giselastrasse 28. 
Meets painters Alexej Jawlensky and 
Marianne von Werefkin. Visits Munich 
Secession exhibitions, encounters the hey- 
day of Munich Jugendstil. 


Rejected by Munich Academy, works in- 


Resides at Georgenstrasse 35 (Miinchner 


Studies with Franz Stuck at Munich 
Academy. Meets Ernst Stern, Alexander 
von Salzmann, Albert Weisgerber, Hans 
Purrmann. May have met Klee in passing 
at school. 

April 12. First performance of cabaret 
group Elf Scharfrichter in Munich. 
April 17. Kandinsky's first art review, 
"Kritika kritikov" ("A Critique of Crit- 
ics"), published in Novosti dnia, Moscow. 
May. Founds Phalanx exhibition society 
with Rolf Niczky, Waldemar Hecker, 
Gustav Freytag and Wilhelm Hiisgen. 
June. Establishment of Phalanx an- 
nounced in Knnst fur Alle, Munich. 
July 14. Moves to Friedrichstrasse 1. 

Mid-August. First Phalanx exhibition 
opens at Finkenstrasse 2; includes works 
by three members of Elf Scharfrichter. 
Late summer or early autumn. Becomes 
president of Phalanx. 
First visit to Rothenburg ob der Tauber. 
Trip to Odessa. 


Winter. Kandinsky and other Phalanx 
members establish Phalanx school at 
Hohenzollernstrasse 6. 


Meets Gabriele Miinter, who enters his 
painting class. Friendship with Hermann 
Obrist, who opens school for applied 
arts near Phalanx school. 
January-March. Second Phalanx exhibi- 
tion, devoted to Arts and Crafts Movement, 
features artists associated with Darmstadt 
Ki'tnstlerkolonie, including Peter Behrens. 
Kandinsky exhibits decorative designs, 
including Twilight (Dammerung), 1901 
(cat. no. 184). Works by members of 
Munich's Vereinigten Werkstatten fiir 
Kunst im Handwerk also shown. 
Writes review of Munich art scene, 
"Korrespondentsiia iz Miunkhena" ("Cor- 
respondence from Munich") for periodical 
Mir Iskttsstva, St. Petersburg. 
Participates in World of Art Exhibition, 
St. Petersburg. 

Spring. Exhibits at Berlin Secession. 
May-June. Third Phalanx exhibition 
(guest artists Lovis Corinth and Wilhelm 

Spends part of summer with his school at 

July-August. Fourth Phalanx exhibition 
(guest artists Akseli Gallen-Kallela and 
Albert Weissgerber). 


January (?). Fifth Phalanx exhibition (no 

catalogue, no reviews). 

April (?). Sixth Phalanx exhibition (no 

catalogue, no reviews). 

Spring and Summer. Kandinsky's interest 


in woodcut grows; makes designs for 
embroideries, decorative drawings. 
April. Visits Viennese Sezession exhibition. 
May-July. Seventh Phalanx exhibition 
(guest artist, Claude Monet). Kandinsky 
escorts Prince Regent Luitpold through 

June 10-12. Travels to Ansbach and Nurn- 
berg with Miinter. Spends part of summer 
with school at Kallmunz. 
August 8-19. Travels to Nabburg, Regens- 
burg and Landshut with Miinter. 
August. Behrens offers him directorship of 
decorative painting class at Diisseldorf 
Kunstgewerbeschule; he subsequently de- 
clines invitation. 

September 2-November 1. Travels from 
Venice through Vienna to Odessa and 
Moscow; returns to Munich via Berlin 
and Cologne. Moved by Italian Renais- 
sance masters he sees at Kunsthistorische 
Museum, Vienna, in September. Impressed 
by Zuloaga at international exhibition, 
Venice, in September; finds paintings and 
mosaics at San Marco "unforgettable." 
Sees Greek, Egyptian, old German and 
Italian masters in Berlin museums in 
October; comments enthusiastically on 
them in letters to Miinter. 
November 3-5. Travels to Wiirzburg, 
Rothenburg ob der Tauber with Miinter. 
November-December. Eighth Phalanx 
exhibition (guest artist, Carl Strathmann). 


January-February. Ninth Phalanx exhibi- 
tion (guest artist, Alfred Kubin). Kandin- 
sky shows color drawings and woodcuts. 
February 15. Fifteen works exhibited at 
Moscoiv Association of Artists. 
April. Writes to Miinter that he is work- 
ing on a theory of color and a "Farben- 
sprache" (color language). 
April-May. Tenth Phalanx exhibition 
includes Paul Signac, Theo van Ryssel- 
berghe, Felix Vallotton and Toulouse- 
Lautrec (no catalogue). 
Eleventh Phalanx exhibition at Helbing's 
Salon, Wagmiillerstrasse, features graphic 
art. Kandinsky exhibits seven woodcuts 
including Farewell, 1903, and Night (Large 
Version), 1903 (cat. nos. 215, 218). 
May n-June 6. Travels with Miinter to 
Krefeld, Diisseldorf, Cologne, Bonn, Rot- 
terdam, The Hague, Haarlem, Amster- 
dam, Zaandam, Edam, Volendam, 
Marken, Brock, Hoorn and Arnheim. 
Summer. Remains in Munich, where he 
works on woodcuts, exhibits at Kunst- 
verein. Makes craft designs for Vereini- 
gnng fiir angewandte Kunst. 

September. Separates from wife; moves 
from Friedrichstrasse. 
October 5-16. With Miinter to Frankfurt 
am Kreuznach and Minister am Stein. 
October 10-November 21. Travels 
through Berlin to Odessa and returns to 
Munich via Berlin. 
Kandinsky's Verses Without Words, 
album of woodcuts, published in Moscow. 
Participates in XV Exhibition of Associa- 
tion of South Russian Artists in Odessa; 
first exhibition of New Society of Artists 
in St. Petersburg. 

November 22-26. Travels to Cologne and 
Bonn with Miinter. 

November 27-December 2. Travels alone 
to Paris. 

December. Twelfth Phalanx exhibition 
reported in Darmstadt (no catalogue). 
December 6-25. Travels with Miinter to 
Tunisia via Strassbourg, Basel, Lyon, 
Marseille, spends Christmas in Bizerta. 

January-March. In Tunisia with Miinter, 
visits Carthage, Sousse and Kairouan. 
March. Exhibits at Moscow Association 
of Artists. 

April. Travels through Palermo, Naples, 
Florence, Bologna and Verona on return 
trip from Tunisia. 

April 16-May 23. Travels to Innsbruck, 
Igels, Starnberg and Dresden. 
May 24. Bicycle trip with Miinter to 
Reichenbach, Lichtenstein, Chemnitz, 
Freiberg and Meissen. 
June i-August 15. In Dresden with Miin- 
ter at Schnorrstrasse 44. 
August 17-September 29. Works in 

August and September. Bicycle trips from 
Munich to Seeshaupt, Tutzing, Herr- 
sching, Starnberg; then visits Garmisch- 
Hollental area. 

September 29-November n. To Odessa 
with father via Vienna, Budapest, Lem- 
berg. Returns to Munich through Vienna 
and Cologne. 

Exhibits paintings, prints, craft designs at 
Salon d'Automne, Paris. 
November 13-25. Meets Miinter in 
Cologne; they travel to Diisseldorf, back 
to Cologne, Bonn, Liittich and Brussels. 
December 12. With Miinter to Milan, 
Genoa, Sestri, Levante, Monoglia, Chi- 
avari, St. Margerita and Monte Telegrafo. 
December 1905-April 1906. Winters at 
Rapallo with Miinter. 


Spring. Participates in Berlin Secession. 

May. Travels via Switzerland to Paris, 

where he stays at 12, rue des Ursulines 
until June. 

June. Moves to 4, petite rue des Binelles, 
in Sevres near Paris, where he resides until 
June 1907. 

Becomes member of Union Internationale 
des Beattx-Arts et des Lettres, Paris. 
July. Visits Dinard and Mont St. Michel. 
Participates in XVII Exhibition of Asso- 
ciation of South Russian Artists, Odessa; 
Exhibition of Signs and Posters organized 
by Leonardo da Vinci Society, Moscow. 
Works on woodcuts for Xylographies, 
some of which are published in Les 
Tenda?ices Nottvelles. 
October-November. Exhibits paintings, 
woodcuts, craft designs at Salon 
d'Automne, Paris. 

Winter 1906-07. Exhibits with Die Briicke 
in Dresden, Secession in Berlin. 


January 4-5. Visits Chartres. 
May 14. Visits St. Vres (Seine et Oise). 
May. Shows 109 works at exhibition he 
Musee du Peuple, Angers, sponsored by 
Les Tendances Notwelles. 
June 1-9. In Paris. 
June 10-13. Returns to Munich. 
June 14-July 23. Rest cure in Bad Reich- 

July 2-7. Travels through favorite Alpine 
areas (Rosenheim, Tolz, Kochel, Starnberg 
and Traunstein). 
July. In Munich. 

July 30-August. With Miinter to Stuttgart 
and Singen; they bicycle from Schaff- 
hausen to Ziirich; then travel to Brienz, 
near Simplon Pass and Fliesch where they 

September (?). To Frankfurt, Bonn, Co- 
logne, Hannover and Hildesheim. Partici- 
pates in XVIII Exhibition of Association 
of South Russian Artists, Odessa. 
September. To Berlin, where he stays with 
Miinter until end of April 1908. 
December 25-26. Spends Christmas in 
Wittenberg, Zerbst. 

March-May. Participates in Salon des 
Independants, Paris. 

April- June. Hikes with Miinter in South 
Tyrol; returns to Munich through Austria 
and Bavarian Alps, traveling by foot, one- 
horse carriage, mail coach and train. 
June. Settles permanently in Munich. 
June 12. Munich residence registered as 
Schellingstrasse 75. 

June 17-19. Trip to Starnbergersee and 
Staffelsee at Murnau. 


July 24-August 8.. Travels to Stock am 
Cheimsee, then to Salzburg, Attersee, 
Wolfgangsee, Schafberg and Mondsee. 
Mid-August-September 30. First long 
sojourn in Murnau. 
September 4. Takes apartment at Ain- 
millerstrasse 36 in Munich's Schwabing 
sector (official registration, September 16). 
October-November. Participates in Salon 
d'Automne, Paris; XIX Exliibition of As- 
sociation of South Russian Artists, Odessa. 
Winter. Exhibits at Berlin Secession. 


January. Founds Neue Kiinstlervereini- 
gitng Miinchen (NKVM), and is elected its 

February-March. Travels to Garmisch, 
Mittenwald and Kochel. 
Spring. Begins work on compositions for 
the stage, such as Der gelbe Klang (The 
Yellow Sound), which is later published 
in Blaue Reiter almanac. 
March-May. Participates in Salon des 
Artistes Independants, Paris. 
May. In Murnau with Miinter. 
Summer. Sees large exhibition of Japanese 
and East Asian art in Munich. 
July-August. Miinter acquires house in 
Murnau where she and Kandinsky reside 
intermittently until late summer 1914. 
Summer (?). First Hinterglasmalereien 
(glass paintings), in emulation of this tra- 
ditional Bavarian folk art. 
Begins Improvisations. 
Writes reviews, "Pismo iz Miunkhena" 
("Letter from Munich"), for periodical 
Apollon, St. Petersburg; these are pub- 
lished through 1910. 
Publication of Xylographies, woodcuts, 
Editions Tendances Nouvelles, Paris. 
October-November. Participates in Salon 
d'Automne, Paris. 
December 1-15. First exhibition of 
NKVM, Thannhauser's Moderne Galerie, 
Munich; Kandinsky shows paintings and 
woodcuts. Participates in XX Exhibition 
of Association of South Russian Artists, 


Begins Compositions. 

Early February (?). Travels alone to Kuf- 

stein in Austrian Alps. 

February-April. Stays primarily in 


Summer. Sees monumental exhibition of 

Mohammedan Art in Munich. 

July i-mid-August. In Murnau. 

July-October. Participates in Sonderbund 

Westdeutscher Kiinstler, Diisseldorf. 

September 1-14. Second exhibition of 
NKVM at Thannhauser's Moderne Gal- 
erie, Munich, now with international 
participation. Kandinsky exhibits Com- 
position II, 1910, Improvisation 10, 1910, 
Boatride, 1910, a landscape and six 

Marc writes commentary on the show, 
which leads to his first meeting with 

September-October. Included in Salon 
d'Automne, Paris. 
Mid-October. Travels to Russia via 
Weimar and Berlin. 
October 14-November 29. In Moscow 
and St. Petersburg. 
December 1-12. To Odessa where he 
shows fifty-two works in Second Salon 
Izdebsky, Odessa, which takes place fol- 
lowing month. Participates in XI Exhibi- 
tion of Paintings of the Ekaterinoslav Art 
and Theater Society in Ekaterinoslav. 
December 22. Returns to Munich. 
"First abstract watercolor," by Kandinsky, 
is dated 1910. (Lindsay has suggested that 
this work, which is a sketch for Composi- 
tion VII, 1913, may accidentally have been 
misdated at a later time.) Completes 
manuscript of Uber das Geistige in der 
Kanst (Concerning the Spiritual in Art). 


January 2. Attends Schonberg concert 
with Marc and other members of NKVM. 
January 10. Resigns presidency of NKVM. 
January 18. Initiates correspondence with 

January 20-28. In Murnau. 
February 5. Marc joins NKVM. 
February. Publishes "Kuda idet 'novoe' 
iskusstvo," ("Whither the 'New' Art"), in 
periodical Odesskie novosti, Odessa. 
April- June. Participates in Salon des 
Artistes Independants, Paris. 
May 17-19. Visits Marc in Sindelsdorf, 

May 23-June 13. In Murnau. 
Early summer. Joins Marc and others with 
statement published in Im Kampf um die 
Kunst in answer to Carl Vinnen's pam- 
phlet Protest deutscher Kiinstler. 
June 19. Begins plans with Marc for Blaue 
Reiter almanac. 
June 26-30. In Munich. 
June 30-August 21. Works in Murnau. 
Fall (?). Divorce from Ania Shemiakina is 
legally finalized. 

October. Participates in Kanst unserer 
Zeit at Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, 

Mid-October. Meets with Marc and 
August Macke at Sindelsdorf to work on 
Blaue Reiter almanac. 
October or November. Beginning of 
friendship with Klee. 
November 1911-January 1912. Partici- 
pates in Neue Secession, Berlin. 
December 2. Kandinsky's Composition V, 
191 1, rejected by NKVM jury; Kandinsky, 
Marc, Miinter and Alfred Kubin resign 
from the society. 

December 18. Erste Ausstellitng der 
Redaktion der Blaue Reiter (First Exhibi- 
tion of the Editorial Board of the Blaue 
Reiter) opens at Thannhauser's Moderne 
Galerie, Munich (third exhibition of 
NKVM is held simultaneously). 
December. Uber das Geistige in der Kunst 
published by Piper of Munich, although 
it is dated 1912. 

December 29-31. Abridged version of 
Uber das Geistige in der Kunst read at 
Second Ail-Russian Congress of Artists 
in St. Petersburg. 

Friendships with Marc, Kubin, Klee, 
Macke, Schonberg and Karl Wolfskehl 
documented in correspondence. 


January 23-31. First Blaue Reiter exhibi- 
tion shown at Gereonsklub, Cologne. 
January. Participates in fourth exhibition 
of Neue Secession, Berlin. 
February 12-April. Second Blaue Reiter 
exhibition at Galerie Hans Goltz, 
Munich (3x5 works, all graphics). 
March 12-May 10. First Blaue Reiter ex- 
hibition at Galerie Der Sturm, Berlin. 
March-May. Participates in Salon des 
Artistes Independants, Paris. 
April. Second edition of Uber das Geistige 
in der Kunst published in Munich; "For- 
men und Farbensprache" ("Language of 
Forms and Colors"), from Uber das 
Geistige, published in Der Sturm, Berlin. 
May. Blaue Reiter almanac published in 

May- June. In Murnau. 
May-September. Participates in Sonder- 
bund Internationale Kunstausstellung, 

July. Extracts from Uber das Geistige 
published by Alfred Stieglitz in Camera 
Work, New York. 

July (?). Participates in Moderne Kunst 
exhibition at Folkwang Museum, Hagen. 
July 10. Undergoes hernia operation. 
August. Recuperates in Murnau; remains 
there through September. 
August 17. Michael Ernest Sadler and his 


son Michael T. Sadleir visit Kandinsky 
and Miinter in Murnau. 
September. Signs contract with Piper for 
publication of Klange (Resonances), vol- 
ume of prose poems and woodcuts. 
Autumn. Third edition of Vber das Geis- 
tige in dcr Kunst published in Munich. 
October. "Ober Kunstverstehen" ("On 
Understanding Art") appears in Der 
Sturm, Berlin. 

October 6. First one-man exhibition opens 
at Galerie Der Sturm, Berlin; later tours 
to other German cities. 
October 16-26. Travels from Berlin to 

October Z7-December 13. In Moscow, 
also visits St. Petersburg where he lec- 
tures on "The Criterion for Evaluating a 
Painting" at Art and Theater Association. 
Participates in Contemporary Painting 
exhibition in Ekaterinodar. 
December 15-16. Returns to Munich via 

December 22. Begins sketches for Paint- 
ing with White Border, 1913 (cat. no. 323). 


Kandinsky and Marc prepare for second 
Blaue Reiter almanac, with contributions 
by Mikhail Larionov, Wolfskehl and oth- 
ers, but the volume is never realized. 
January 13-15. In Murnau. 
February-March. Works exhibited in 
Armory Shoiv in New York, then in 
Chicago and Boston. 
March-May. Primarily in Murnau. 
Summer. Arthur Jerome Eddy of Chicago, 
one of first Americans to collect Kan- 
dinsky's work, visits the artist. 
July 5-August. To Moscow via Berlin. 
September 6. Returns from Russia to 
Munich via Berlin. 

September 20-December 1. Participates in 
Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon at Galerie 
Der Sturm in Berlin. 
Autumn. Publication of Sturm Album, 
Berlin, which includes Kandinsky's 
"Riickblicke" ("Reminiscences"). Klange 
published by Piper in Munich; some of 
its poems had already appeared, without 
Kandinsky's permission, in the Russian 
avant-garde publication A Slap in the 
Face of Public Taste. 
October. In Murnau. 
Completes Composition VI and Compo- 
sition VII, last Compositions executed 
before World War I. 


January 1. One-man exhibition, originally 

planned by Hans Goltz for Autumn 1912, 

opens at Thannhauser's Moderne Galerie, 

January. One-man exhibition at Kreis 
fiir Kunst, Cologne. 
March. Second edition of Blaue Reiter 
almanac published in Munich. 
February, April. In Murnau. 
April 9-20. Visits Merano, Italy, with his 

April. Ober das Geistige in der Kunst 
translated and published as The Art of 
Spiritual Harmony, with an introduction 
by Michael T. Sadleir, in London and 

Catalogue of Spring Exhibition of Paint- Odessa (Vesennaiaia vystavka Kar- 
tin) published, with "O ponimanii 
iskusstva," Russian variant of Kandinsky's 
"Uber Kunstverstehen." 
Spring. Hugo Ball proposes performance 
of Kandinsky's Der gelbe Klang at 
Munich Kiinstlertheater. 
May, June-August 1. In Murnau with 
trips to Oberammergau, Ettal, Garmisch 
and Hollentalklamm. 
August 1. Returns to Munich as Germany 
declares war on Russia. 
August 3, evening. Flight to Switzerland; 
travels to Lindau, accompanied by Miin- 
ter; next day to Rorschach, then to 
Mariahalde near Goldach on Lake Con- 
stance where they stay until November 
16. Klee and his family visit them. Begins 
work on manuscript Punkt und Linie zu 
Flache (Point and Line to Plane). 
November 16. To Ziirich. 
November 25. Begins trip to Russia, 
where he takes up residence. 
Winter 1915-16. Last visit with Miinter 
in Stockholm. 

Marries Nina de Andreevskaya. 

Engages in various activities as member 
of Commissariat for Cultural Progress 
(NARKOMPROS), Moscow. Teaches at 
the Moscow Svomas (Free State Art 
Studios); helps found Institute of Artistic 
Culture (Inkhuk) and Museum of Pictorial 
Culture, Moscow; instrumental in dis- 
tributing paintings to twenty-two provin- 
cial museums. 

Leaves Russia for Berlin. 

Accepts post at Bauhaus at Weimar. 

Given first one-man exhibition in New 
York by Societe Anonyme, of which he 
becomes vice-president. 


With Lyonel Feininger, Klee and Jaw- 
lensky forms Blaue Vier (Blue Four) 
group; Galka Scheyer is their representa- 
tive in the United States. 

Moves with Bauhaus to Dessau. 

Punkt und Linie zu Flache published in 


Moves to Paris when Nazis close Bauhaus. 
Settles at Neuilly-sur-Seine. During 1930s 
exhibits in Paris, San Francisco, New York 
and London. 


Nazis confiscate and sell many of Kan- 
dinsky's paintings as entartete Kunst 
(degenerate art). 

Despite invitations to come to Linked 
States, remains in France. 

Becomes ill in spring. 
December 13. Dies in Neuilly. 



For more extensive bibliographical infor- 
mation, the reader should consult the 
sources cited in footnote 2, p. 28. 

Metin And, Karagoz: Turkish Shadow 
Theatre, Ankara, Dost Yayinlari, 1975 

Dominik Bartmann, August Macke 
Kunsthandwerk, foreword by Leopold 
Reidemeister, Berlin, Gebr. Mann Verlag, 

Kristian Bathe, Wer wohnte wo in 
Schwabing?, Munich, Siiddeutscher Ver- 
lag, 1965 

Bayern: Kunst und Kidtur, exh. cat., 
Munich Stadtmuseum, Munich, Prestel 
Verlag, 1972 

Silvie Lampe-von Bennigsen, Hermann 
Obrist, Erinnerungen, Munich, Verlag 
Herbert Post Presse, 1970 

John E. Bowlt and Rose-Carol Washton 
Long, eds., The Life of Vasilii Kandinsky 
in Russian Art: A Study of "On the Spirit- 
ual in Art" Newtonville, Massachusetts, 
Oriental Research Partners, 1980 

Klaus Brisch, Wassily Kandinsky, Unter- 
suchung zur Entstehung der gegenstands- 
losen Malerie an seinem Werk von 1900- 
1921, Ph.D. dissertation, University of 
Bonn, 1955 

Tilmann Buddensieg, "Zur Fruhzeit von 
August Endell — seine Miinchener Briefe 
an Kurt Breysig," Festschrift fiir Eduard 
Trier, Berlin, Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1981 

Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a Thou- 
sand Faces, New York, Meridian Books, 

, The Masks of God: 

Occidental Mythology, New York, Pen- 
guin Books, 1964 

, The Masks of God: 

sammlung des Miinchner Stadtmuseums, 
exh. cat., second revised edition, 1978 

H. C. Ebertshauser, Malerei in 19. Jahr- 
hnndert Miinchner Schule, Munich, 
Keyersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1979 

Johannes Eichner, Kandinsky und Gab- 
riele Miinter, von urspriingen Moderner 
Kunst, Munich, Verlag Bruckmann, 1957 

J. A. Schmoll gen. Eisenwerth, ed., Franz 
von Stuck, Die Stuck-Villa zu ihrer Wie- 
dereroffnung am 9. Marz 1968, exh. cat., 
Munich, Karl M. Lipp, 1968; second re- 
vised edition, 1977 

Richard Ettinghausen, "Early Shadow 
Figures," Bulletin of the American Insti- 
tute for Persian Art and Archaelogy, no. 6, 
June 1934 

Jonathan D. Fineberg, Kandinsky in Paris 
1906-oj, Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard 
University, 1975 

Christian Geelhaar, "Paul Klee: Biogra- 
phische Chronologie," in Armin Zweite, 
ed., Paul Klee Das Friihwerk 18S3-1922, 
Munich, Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 
haus, 1979 

, Paid Klee: Schriften, 

Kezensionen und Aufsdtze, Cologne, 
DuMont Buchverlag, 1976 

Rosel Gollek, ed., Der Blaue Reiter im 
Lenbachhaus Miinchen, Munich, Prestel 
Verlag, 1974 

Rosel Gollek, Gabriele Miinter 1S77- 
1962: Gemalde, Zeichnungen, Hinter- 
glasbilder und Volkskunst aus ihrem 
Besitz, exh. cat., Stadtische Galerie im 
Lenbachhaus, 1977 

, Franz Marc 1880- 

Creative Mythology, New York, Penguin 
Books, 1968 

Volker Duvigneau, ed., Plakate in 
Miinchen aus den Bestanden der Plakat- 

1916, Munich, Stadtische Galerie im Len- 
bachhaus, 1980 

Donald E. Gordon, Modern Art Exhibi- 
tions 1900-1916: Selected Catalogue 
Documentation, 2 vols., Munich, Prestel 
Verlag, 1974 

Sara H. Gregg, "The Art of Gabriele 
Miinter: An Evaluation of Content," Mas- 
ter's thesis, State University of New York 
at Binghamton, 1980 

, "Grabriele Miinter in 

Sweden: Interlude and Separation," Arts 
Magazine, vol. 55, May 1981 

Will Grohmann, Wassily Kandinsky: Life 
and Work, New York, Harry N. Abrams, 
Inc., 1958 

Sonja Giinther, Interieurs um 1900: Bern- 
hard Pankok, Bruno Paul und Richard 
Riemerschmid als Mitarbeiter der Verei- 
nigten Werkstatten fiir Kunst im Hand- 
iverk, Munich, Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1971 

Karl Gutbrod., ed., "Lieber Freund . . .," 
Kiinstler schreiben an Will Grohmann, 
Cologne, DuMont Schauberg, 1968 

Jelena Hahl-Koch, ed., Arnold Schonberg 
— Wassily Kandinsky: Briefe, Bilder und 
Dokumente einer aussergewbhnlichen 
Begegnung, Salzburg and Vienna, Resi- 
denz Verlag, 1980 

Jelena Hahl-Koch, "Kandinsky's Role 
in the Russian Avant-Garde," The Avant- 
Garde in Russia, 1910-192,0, exh. cat., 
Los Angeles, Los Angeles County 
Museum of Art, 1980 

, Kandinsky, Die gesam- 

melten Schriften: Stiicke fiir die Biihne, 

Edith Hamilton, Mythology, New York, 
Mentor Books, 1957 

Erika Hanfstaengl, ed., Wassily Kan- 
dinsky: Zeichnungen und Aquarelle im 
Lenbachhaus Miinchen, Munich, Prestel 
Verlag, 1974 

Ulrike von Hase, Schmuck in Deutschland 
und Osterreich 1895-1914, Symbolismus- 
Jugendstil-Neohistorismus, Munich, 
Prestel Verlag, 1977 

Charles W. Haxthausen, "Klees kiinstler- 
isches Verhaltnis zu Kandinsky wahrend 
der Miinchner Jahre," in Armin Zweite, 


ed., Paul Klee Das Friihwerk 1883-1912, 
Munich, Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 
haus, 1979 

Marianne Heinz, ed., Ein Dokitment 
Deutscher Kunst Darmstadt 7901-1976, 
vols. 1-5, exh. cat., Darmstadt, Eduard 
Roether Verlag, 1976 

Adolf Holzel, "Uber Formen und Mas- 
senverteilung im Bilde," Ver Sacrum, IV, 

Peter Jelavich, "Die Elf Scharfrichter: The 
Political and Socio-cultutal Dimensions 
of Cabaret in Wilhelmine Germany," in 
Gerald Chappie and Hans Schulte, eds., 
The Turn of the Century: German Litera- 
ture and Art 1890-1914, Bonn, 1980 

, Theater in Munich 

1S90-1914: A Study of the Social Origins 
of Modernist Culture, Ph.D. dissertation, 
Princeton University, 1981 

Erich Kahler, "The Nature of the Sym- 
bol," in Rollo May, ed., Symbolism in 
Religion and Literature, New York, 
George Braziller, Inc., i960 

Kandinsky: Kollekth'-Ausstellung 1901- 
1912, introductory autobiographical 
sketch by Kandinsky, Munich, Verlag 
"Neue Kunst" Hans Goltz, 1912 

Vasily Kandinsky, "Pismo iz Miinchen" 
(Letters from Munich), Apollon, I, Octo- 
ber 1909; IV, January 1910; VII, April 
1910; VIII, May-June 1910; XI, October- 
November 1910 

"Riickblicke," Kan- 
dinsky, 1901-1913, Berlin, Der Sturm, 

, Letter to Paul West- 

heim, "Der Blaue Reiter (Riickblick)," 
Das Kunstblatt, XIV, 1930 

, "Betrachtungen iiber 

die abstrakte Kunst," in Max Bill, ed., 
Kandinsky Essays iiber Kunst und Kiinst- 
ler, Bern, Benteli Verlag, 1963. Originally 
published in Cahiers d'Art, no. 1, 193 1 

, "Mes gravures sur 

bois," XX* Siecle, no. 27, December 
1966. Originally published in XX* Siecle, 
no. 3, 1938 

, Punkt und Linie zu 

Fldche, Beitrag zur Analyse der male- 
rischen Elemente, introduction by Max 
Bill, ed., Bern, Benteli Verlag, 1964. 
Originally published by Albert Langen, 
Munich, 1926 

, "Der gelbe Klang," 

Der Blaue Reiter, new documentary edi- 

tion by Klaus Lankheit, Munich, R. Piper 
& Co., 1965 

, Uber das Geistige in 

der Kunst, eighth edition [sic], Bern, 
Benteli Verlag, 1965. Originally published 
by R. Piper & Co., Munich, 1912 

, "Uber die Formfrage," 

Der Blaue Reiter, Klaus Lankheit edition, 
Munich, R. Piper &C Co., 1965 

Kliinge, Munich, R. 

Piper & Co., 1913. English translation by 
Elizabeth R. Napier: Sounds, New Haven 
and London, Yale LIniversity Press, 1981 

Kandinsky and Franz Marc, eds., Der 
Blaue Reiter, Klaus Lankheit edition, 
Munich, R. Piper & Co., 1965. Originally 
published in 1912 

Edward J. Kimball, unpublished pic- 
torial analysis in eleven drawings of In 
the Black Square, New York, Columbia 
University, 1975 

Paul Klee, The Diaries of Paul Klee, 
1898-1918, introduction by Felix Klee, 
ed., Berkeley, University of California 
Press, 1968. Originally published by 
DuMont Schauberg, Cologne, 1957 

Alfred Koeppen, Die moderne Malerei 
in Deutschland, Bielefeld and Leipzig, 
Verlag von Velhagen, 1902 

Alfred Kubin, Die andere Seite, Munich, 
Nymphenburger Verlagshandlung, 1968 

Ernst Kiihnel, "Die Ausstellung Moham- 
medanischer Kunst Miinchen 1910," 
Miinchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 

Johannes Langner, "Impression V: Ob- 
servations sur un theme chez Kandinsky," 
Revue de I' art, vol. 45, 1979 

Klaus Lankheit, "Die Fruhromantik und 
die Grundlagen der gegenstandslosen 
Malerei," Neue Heidelberger Jahrbiicher, 
Neue Folge, 195 1 

, Franz Marc: Katalog 

der Werke, Cologne, DuMont Schauberg, 

, Franz Marc Schrif- 

ten, Cologne, DuMont Buchverlag, 1978 

Kenneth C. Lindsay, "The Genesis and 
Meaning of the Cover Design for the 
First Blaue Reiter Catalog," Art Bulletin, 
vol. XXXV, March 1953 

, "Kandinsky in 1914 

in New York: Solving a Riddle," Art 
News, vol. 55, May 1956 

Kenneth C. Lindsay and Peter Vergo, eds., 
Kandinsky: Complete Writings on Art, 
Boston, G. K. Hall, 1982 

Rose-Carol Washton Long, Kandinsky: 
The Development of an Abstract Style, 
Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1980 

Wolfgang Macke, ed., August Macke, 
Franz Marc: Briefwechsel, Cologne, 
DuMont Schauberg, 1964 

Thomas Mann, "On the Spirit of Medi- 
cine," quoted in Joseph Campbell, The 
Masks of God: Creative Mythology, New 
York, Penguin Books, 1968 

Wilhelm Michel, "Kandinsky, W. Ueber 
das Geistige in der Kunst," Die Kunst fur 
Alle, September 15, 191 2 

Ann Mochon, Gabriele Miinter: Between 
Munich and Mumau, exh. cat., Busch- 
Reisinger Museum, Harvard University, 

"Miinchen um 1910," Du, vol. 29, July 
1969 (special issue), Manuel Gasser, Peter 
Killen, Klara Obermuller, eds., Zurich 

Miinchner Malerei 1891-1914 von der 
Sezession zum Blauen Reiter, exh. cat., 
Museum for Modern Art, Hokkaido, 
Japan, 1977 

Erdmann Neumeister, Thomas Manns 
friihe Erzdhlungen: Der Jugendstil als 
Kunstform im friihen Werk, third edition, 
Bonn, Bouvier Verlag, Herbert Grund- 
mann, 1977 

Reinhard Piper, Briefivechsel mit Autoren 
und Kiinstlern 1903-1954, Munich. 
R. Piper &C Co., 1979 

Post-Impressionism Cross-Currents in 
European Painting, Royal Academy exh. 
cat., New York, 1979 

W. H. Roscher, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon 
Griechischen und Romischen Mythologie, 
Leipzig, Verlag B. G. Teubner, 1884-86 

Hans Konrad Rothel, Kandinsky: Das 
graphische Werk, Cologne, DuMont 
Schauberg, 1970 

Hans Konrad Rothel and Jean Benjamin, 
Kandinsky, New York, Hudson Hills 
Press, 1979 

Angelica Rudenstine, The Guggenheim 
Museum Collection: Paintings 18S5- 
194S, vol. I, New York, The Solomon R. 
Guggenheim Foundation, 1976 
Eberhard Ruhmer, ed., Die Miinchner 
Schule iSfo-1914, exh. cat., Bayerische 
Staatsgemaldesammlungen and Haus der 
Kunst, Munich, F. Bruckman, 1979 


Sigrid Russ, ed., Marianne Werefkin: 
Gemalde and Skizzen, exh. cat., Museum 
Wiesbaden, 1980 

Salme Sarajas-Korte, Suomen varhaissym- 
bolismi ja sen lahteet, Helsinki, Otava, 

, "Kandinsky et la 

Finlande I, 1906-1914," Ateneumin 
Taidemuseo Museojulkaisa , 15 Vuo- 
sikerta, 1970 

Peter Selz, German Expressionist Paint- 
ing, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University 
of California Press, 1957 

Susan Stein, "The Ultimate Synthesis: An 
Intepretation of the Meaning and Signifi- 
cance of Wassily Kandinsky's The Yellow 
Sound," Master's thesis, State University 
of New York at Binghamton, 1980 

Otto Stelzer, Die Vorgeschichte der Ab- 
strakten Kitnst, Denhnodelle and Vor- 
Bilder, Munich, R. Piper &c Co., 1964 

Ernest Stern, My Life, My Stage, London, 
Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1951 

Wolfgang Venzmer, ed., Adolf Holzel, 
sein Weg zur Abstraktion: Aasstellung 
1972, with introduction by Wolfgang 
Venzmer, Dachau, Staat Dachau, 1972 

. , Adolf Holzel: Werk- 

Katalog, Stuttgart, Deutsche Verlagsan- 
stalt, 1982 

Rose-Carol Washton, Vasily Kandinsky, 
1909-1913: fainting and Theory, Ph.D. 
dissertation, Yale University, 1968 

Peg Weiss, "The Graphic Art of Kan- 
dinsky," Art News, vol. 73, March 1974, 
pp. 42-44 

, "Kandinsky and the 

'Jugendstil' Arts and Crafts Movement," 
The Burlington Magazine, vol. CXVII, 
May 1975, pp. 270-279 

, "Kandinsky and the 

Munich Academy," paper presented at the 
Annual Meeting, College Art Association 
of America, January 1974 

, Kandinsky in 

Munich: The Formative Jugendstil Years, 
Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1979 

, "Kandinsky: Sym- 

bolist Poetics and Theater in Munich," 
Pantheon, vol. XXXV, July-August- 
September 1977, pp. 209-218 

., "Kandinsky, Wolf- 

, "Wassily Kandinsky, 

the Utopian Focus: Jugendstil, Art Deco, 
and the Centre Pompidou," Arts Maga- 
zine, vol. 51, April 1977, pp. 102-107 

Siegfried Wichmann, Jugendstil Art Nou- 

veau, Munich, Schuler Verlagsgesellschaft, 


Siegfried Wichmann, ed., Miinchen 1869- 

1958 Aufbruch zur modernen Kunst, exh. 

cat., Munich, Haus der Kunst, 1958 

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raphie et catalogue raisonne, Tome III: 
1887-1898 Peintures, Lausanne-Paris, La 
Bibliotheque des Arts, 1979 

Clara B. Wilpert, Schattentheater , Ham- 
burg, Hamburgisches Museum fur Volker- 
kunde, 1973 

skehl und Stefan George," Castrum 
Peregrini, CXXXVIII, 1979, pp. 26-51 



Anonymous cat. no. 224 

Azbe, Anton cat. nos. 72-75 

Bartera-Bossi, Erma cat. no. 287 

Bauer, Karl cat. nos. 221, 223 

von Bechtejeff, Vladimir cat. no. 297 

Behrens, Peter cat. nos. ioa-b, 107, 108, 
126, 141 

Bingen, J. Hilsdorf cat. no. 222 

Bloch, Albert cat. nos. 97, 256 

Bosselt, Rudolf cat. no. 127 

Crane, Walter cat. nos. 352, 353 

Christiansen, Hans cat. nos. in, 112, 
114-117, 120-122, 125, 133-136, 138 

Cunz, Martha cat. no. 259 

Diez, Julius cat. no. 2 

von Egidy, Emmy cat. nos. 128, 129 

Endell, August cat. nos. 15-17, 19, 21, 
26, 27, 50, 344 

Engels, Robert cat. no. 8 

Erler, Fritz cat. nos. 225, 227 

Freytag, Gustav cat. no. 190 

Gallen-Kallela, Akseli cat. nos. 57, 

George, Stefan cat. nos. 361-363 

Girieud, Pierre cat. no. 286 

de Hartmann, Thomas cat. no. 337 

Hauser, Ferdinand cat. no. 119 

Hecker, Waldemar cat. no. 96a-g 

Heine, Thomas Theodor cat. nos. 6, 95 

Hengeler, Adolf cat. no. 228 

Hoerschelman, Rolf cat. no. 229 

von Hoffmann, Ludwig cat. no. 140 

Holzel, Adolf cat. nos. 143, 144, 

133-2-35, i 37. M*. -4L M4, 148-253, 

Huber, Patriz cat. nos. 123, 124 

Hiisgen, Wilhelm cat. no. 99 

von Kahler, Eugen cat. no. 255 

Kandinsky, Vasily cat. nos. 30-37, 39, 
43-49, 76-81, 83-85, 90-92, 94, 109, no, 
113, 118, 137, 139, 142, 145-149, 154-161, 
178, 184-1893-^ 191, 194-196, 199, 
210-220, 230-232, 238-240, 243, 245, 258, 
260, 261, 265-275, 277, 284, 285, 296, 
299-301, 311-334, 338, 343, 36oa-b, 367, 

Kastner and Lossen cat. no. 356 
Klee, Paul cat. nos. 171, 204-207, 236, 
2-54. -9- 

Kogan, Moissey cat. nos. 42, 283 
Kubin, Alfred cat. nos. 208, 209, 257, 359 
Littmann, Max cat. no. 226 

Macke, August cat. nos. 41, 150, 

162-164, 2 46, -47 

Marc, Franz cat. nos. 40, 151-153, 

!73-i77> i8 9, i93- 2 95. 3°3> 335. 33 6 > 

339, 355 

Marc, Franz, after cat. no. 172 

Miinter, Gabriele cat. nos. 38, 192, 193, 
290, 291, 298, 302 

Niczky, Rolf cat. no. 98 

Obrist, Hermann cat. nos. 18, 20, 28a-b, 
29, 52, 58-71, 349 

Paul, Bruno cat. nos. 4, 11-13 

Poppel and Kurz cat. no. 14 

Riemerschmid, Richard cat. nos. 18, 
23-25, 130-132 

Schmidhammer, Arpad cat. no. 102 

Schmithals, Hans cat. nos. 53-56 

Schnellenbiihel, Gertraud cat. no. 22 

Schonberg, Arnold cat. nos. 340, 342 

Stern, Ernst cat. nos. 9, 100, 101, 103 

Strathmann, Carl cat. nos. 197, 198, 

von Stuck, Franz cat. nos. 1, 51, 82, 
86-89, 93 

von Tschudi, Hugo cat. no. 368 

Weisgerber, Albert cat. no. 5 

Weiss, Emil Rudolf cat. no. 3 

von Werefkin, Marianne cat. no. 288 

von Wersin, Wolfgang cat. nos. 166-170 

Wolfskehl, Karl cat. no. 361 

von Zumbusch, Ludwig cat. no. 7 




Courtesy Bayerische Staatsgemaldesamm- 

lungen, Graphische Sammlung: 

cat. no. 63 

Mary Donlon: cat. no. 332 

Courtesy Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin Fortson, 

Fort Worth: cat. no. 265 

Courtesy Aivi Gallen-Kallela-Siren: 

cat. no. 57 

S. R. Gnamm, Munich; courtesy Siegfried 

Wichmann: cat. no. 21 

Robert E. Mates: cat. nos. 219, 284, 285 

Robert E. Mates and Susan Lazarus: 
cat. no. 323 

Courtesy Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 
Munich: cat. nos. 96a-g, 98, 201 

Courtesy Museum Boymans-van Beunin- 
gen, Rotterdam: cat. no. 267 
Courtesy Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana: 
cat. no. 75 

Courtesy Neue Pinakothek, Munich: 
cat. no. 54 

Courtesy Pelikan Kunstsammlung, Han- 
nover: cat. no. 262 

Courtesy Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 
haus, Munich: cat. nos. 38, 139, 214, 215, 
258, 261, 299, 315, 318, 320, 322, 326 

Herbert H. G. Wolf, Wetzlar; courtesy 
Wachtersbacher Keramik, Brachttal, 
Germany: cat. no. nr 

Black and White 

Jorg P. Anders, Berlin; courtesy Staatliche 
Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 
Nationalgalerie, Berlin: fig. 1; 
cat. no. 140 

Courtesy Architektursammlung der 
Technische Universitat Miinchen: 
cat. no. 24 

Courtesy The Art Museum of the 
Ateneum, Helsinki: figs. 18, 19; 
cat. nos. 179, 180 

Courtesy Badisches Landesmuseum, 
Karlsruhe: cat. nos. 123, 197, 200 

Courtesy Bayerische Staatsgemaldesamm- 
lungen, Munich: figs. 13, 42; 
cat. nos. 291, 297 

Courtesy Museum Boymans-van Beunin- 
gen, Rotterdam: cat. no. 195 

Courtesy The Brooklyn Museum: 
cat. no. 343 

Courtesy Biihrle Collection, Zurich: 
fig- 3i 

Courtesy Deutsches Theatermuseum, 
Munich: cat. nos. 226-228 

Courtesy Everson Museum of Art, Syra- 
cuse, New York: cat. no. 97 

Courtesy Galerie Gunzenhauser, Munich: 
cat. nos. t78, 286 

Courtesy Gallen-Kallela Museum, Espoo, 
Finland: cat. nos. 181-183 

S. R. Gnamm, Munich: cat. no. 19 

S. R. Gnamm, Munich; courtesy Siegfried 
Wichmann: cat. nos. 23, 28a-b, 29, 56, 
128, 129, 131, 132 

Courtesy Graphische Sammlung, Staats- 
galerie Stuttgart: cat. no. 142 

Courtesy Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D.C.: cat. no. 340 

Courtesy Harry Hess: cat. no. 288 
Courtesy Hessisches Landesmuseum, 
Darmstadt: fig. 15 

Courtesy The Houghton Library, Harvard 
University, Cambridge, Massachusetts: 
fig- 2-3 

Courtesy Institute fur Kunstgeschichte der 
Universitat, Karlsruhe: cat. nos. 257, 
271, 280-282 

Dorothee Jordens; courtesy Miinchner 
Stadtmuseum, Munich: cat. nos. 22, 87 

Courtesy Felix Klee, Bern: fig. 14; 
cat. nos. 204-207, 236, 256 

Courtesy Kunstbibliothek Staatliche 
Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin: 
cat. nos. 1, 13, 108, 141 

Courtesy Kunsthalle Bremen: cat. no. 95 

Courtesy Kunsthaus Zurich: fig. 9 

Courtesy Paul Klee-Stiftung, Kunst- 
museum Bern: cat. no. 171 

Courtesy Kupferstichkabinett, Kunst- 
museum Basel: cat. nos. 335, 336 

Courtesy Delvard Nachlass, Miinchner 
Stadtmuseum, Munich: 105 

Courtesy Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana: 
cat. nos. 72-74 

Courtesy Heirs of Dr. W. Macke, Bonn: 
cat. nos. 4T, 150, 161-164, 246, 247 

Robert E. Mates: figs. 3, 16, 43, 44; cat. 
nos. 39, 43, 44, 80, 94, 212, 260, 269, 285, 
2-96, 3°3> 32-1 

Robert E. Mates and Mary Donlon: 
fig. 20; cat. nos. 192, 216 

Courtesy Mittelrheinisches Landes- 
museum, Mainz: fig. 22 

Courtesy Miinchner Stadtmuseum, 
Munich: cat. nos. 2-4, 14, 20, 26, 50, 52, 
53> 93> 99> io 4j i ^S- 1 7°j 191, 202, 224, 
225, 289 

Courtesy Gabriele Miinter- Johannes 
Eichner Stiftung, Munich: cat. nos. 30, 
3 2 > 33> 35—37, 158, i6oa-d, 302, 341 
Courtesy Musee du Louvre, Paris: fig. 35 


Courtesy Musee National d'Art Moderne, 
Paris: cat. nos. 325, 333 

Courtesy Museum Bellerive, Zurich: 
cat. nos. 18, 68-71 

Courtesy Museum fur Kunst und 
Gewerbe, Hamburg: cat. no. 27 

Courtesy The Museum of Modern Art, 
New York: cat. nos. 45, 46, 55, 126, 
130, 210 

Courtesy Narodna Galerija, Ljubljana: 
figs. 10, 11 

Courtesy National Gallery of Art, Wash- 
ington, D.C.: figs. 5, 28 

Rosmarie Nohr, Munich: fig. 36 

Courtesy Pelikan Kunstsammlung, 
Hannover: cat. nos. 241, 242, 244, 
248-253, 264 

Gerd Remmer, Flensburg, Germany; 
courtesy Stadtische Museum Flensburg: 
cat. nos. 114, 121, 125, 133-136, 138 

Courtesy J. A. Schmoll-Eisenwerth, 
Munich: cat. no. 85 

Courtesy Schonberg Estate, Los Angeles: 
cat. no. 342 

Courtesy Schiller-Nationalmuseum, 
Munich: cat. no. 221 

Courtesy Schiller-Nationalmuseum/ 
Deutsches Literaturarchiv, Marbach: 
cat. no. 223 

Carsten Seltrecht; courtesy Kunstmuseum 
St. Gallen: cat. no. 259 

Courtesy David Lee Sherman: cat. no. 106 

Courtesy Staatliche Graphische Samm- 
lung, Munich: cat. nos. 11, 12, 58-62, 
64, 66, 67 

Courtesy Staatliches Museum fur Volker- 
kunde, Munich: cat. nos. 304-310 

Courtesy Stadtbibliothek mit Hand- 
schriftensammlung, Munich: cat. nos. 
100-102, 229 

Courtesy Stadtische Galerie im Lenbach- 
haus, Munich: figs. 21, 32, 38, 41; cat. 
nos. 5, 25, 34, 42, 47-49, 7 6 "79, 81-84, 
86,90-92, 109, no, 113, 118, 137, 
145-149, 155-157, 159, 161, 17^-174, 
176, 177, 184, 185, 187, 193, 194, 196, 
199, 203, 209, 213, 217, 220, 230-231, 
238-240, 243, 245, 254, 255, 266, 270, 
272-275, 283, 290, 292-295, 298, 301, 
311-314, 316, 317, 319, 324, 327-330, 
334, 339 

Courtesy Stuck-Jugendstil-Verein, 
Munich: cat. nos. 51, 234, 235, 237 

Courtesy Gerhard Weiss, Munich: 
cat. no. 88 

Courtesy Peg Weiss: figs. 2, 17, 40; 
cat. nos. 15-17 

Liselotte Witzel, Essen; courtesy Museum 
Folkwang, Essen: cat. no. 331 

Herbert H. G. Wolf, Wetzlar; courtesy 
Wachtersbacher Keramik, Brachttal, 
Germany: cat. nos. 112, 115-117, 120, 

Courtesy Wiirttembergisches Landes- 
museum, Stuttgart: cat. nos. 119, 124, 

Exhibition 82/1 

10,000 copies of this catalogue, designed 
by Malcolm Grear Designers, typeset by 
Dumar Typesetting, Inc., have been 
printed by Eastern Press in January 1982 
for the Trustees of The Solomon R. 
Guggenheim Foundation on the occasion 
of the exhibition Kandinsky in Munich: